Measuring Organizational Effectiveness: Collaborative Consulting

GROWTH: Collaboration Consulting has a set itself ambitious growth plans across all its industry verticals. It plans to increase the number of industry verticals where it can offer its services. Currently it is seen primarily as catering to telecom and insurance domains with technology consulting as the core competency. It is trying to shrug of this image primarily cultivated due to its high profile acquisition of a telecom startup consistency five years ago. The acquisition did not yield desired results due to skewed client perception and cultural integration issues with the acquired company having primary presence in Europe. Collaboration has taken a financial hit in the recent past and sold its stake in the telecom startup to a clutch of financial investors. Collaboration plans to move forward while taking stock of its current position. SUSTAIN: To sustain growth, Collaboration Consulting has started hiring new partners. Partners head various verticals at Collaboration and bring in the desired domain experience along with their networking skills. The aim of the business is to nurture talent within the organization and have 80% of its partners promoted from within the organization. A number of the new recruit partners are strengthening the existing verticals while some continue to act as entrepreneurs and start offering skills in verticals previously not serviced by Collaboration. The new partners bring about a mix of industry and academia experience. This mix helps in building a knowledge base of white papers and helping client’s purse patent registration. HARVEST: The consultancy is reaping reward in verticals where it has worked closely with clients. Collaboration has a business model where it gets invites from clients to work on short duration projects. However, the integrity and intensity it brings forward helps it gain client trust. The clients have been entrusting it with longtime engagements which typically run over a couple of years. These initiatives on Collaboration’s part started a few years ago and the consultancy has now started reaping rewards. 2. CREATES VALUE Collaboration Consulting aims at creating value for: Its clients Stakeholders Community Increased investment in intellectual capital will help clients gain from the collective and diverse experience of the hired consulting team. The stock value has seen significant erosion from the dot-com bust of year 2000. However, Collaboration has communicated to Wall Street its intention of putting the company on a fast track mode thereby increasing the revenue per share. Consistent high payout dividends are helping reward stakeholders. The consultancy supports welfare initiatives in the city where it is headquartered. It also on an ongoing basis supports initiatives in office locations across other countries. 3. Balance Score Card Collaboration Consulting follows the balance score card approach while evaluating the performance of its employees. The score card of all the employees roll up to formulate the balance score card of the Chief Executive Officer. The main aspects of the score card are: Financial Customer Process Learning and growth The scored card has been divided into various ratios for segregating the work responsibility of employees. Financial perspective has a weight of 25%, customer perspective has a weight of 40%, process a weight of 25% and learning a 10% weight. The financial weight is important as it keeps the employees focused on creating wealth for shareholders. Not all employees directly contribute to business generation and financial gains for the organization. However, the efforts of all employees roll-up to achieve broader organization goals. Customer perspective is important for the consulting business as the consultants are required to understand client brief, generate hypothesis and provide a time plan for assisting the customer. It becomes imperative that the customer perspective is an integral part of the score card to achieve the above goals. Process perspective refers to the internal business processes. Managers can track metrics relating to business perspective and services to gauge whether the business has been able to assist customer achieve their objectives. The process perspective also helps the consultancy to lay down a set of robust process that helps in client engagement, project deliverables. The processes can be broadly categorized into mission related objectives and support related objectives. Learning perspective helps in keeping pace with the expectations of customers and motivating employees. With new challenges being faced by customers, the skill sets required by the consultancy to offer effective solutions also keeps varying. At times none or only a set of people within the consultancy possess these skill sets. Hence it becomes imperative to train the employees and generate bench strength for effective customer support. Employees also have certain aspirations in acquiring skill sets when the enter the organization or as they grow in their role. To meet their aspirations training becomes necessary. On several occasions the consultancy has found that candidates that can take larger responsibilities but need guidance and training on certain aspects to be able to do justice to the enhanced role.

American Colonies and Separation from England Essay

When settlers from England came to America, they envisioned a Utopia, where they would have a say in what the government can and cannot do. Before they could live in such a society they would have to take many small steps to break the hold England had on them. The settlers of America had to end a monarchy and start their own, unique, form of government. They also had to find a way that they would have some kind of decision making power. The most important change that the colonies in America had to make was to become a society quite different from that in England. By 1763 although some colonies still maintained established churches, other colonies had accomplished a virtual revolution for religious toleration and separation of church and state. During the mid-1600’s England was a Christian dominated nation; the colonies, however, were mainly Puritans. When Sir Edmond Andros took over a Puritan church in Boston for Anglican worship, the Puritans believed this was done to break their power and authority. The Puritan church in New England was almost entirely separated from the state, except that they taxed the residents for the church’s support. The churches in New England had no temporal power, unlike the church of England. Many seaport towns like Marble head and Gloucester, became more religious as time pasted. This show of religious freedom was a way in which the colonies had religious toleration and differed from the Christian church in England. Unlike the well-defined social classes of England, the colonies had a streamline class structure, which gave individuals the chance to rise on the social latter. New settlers living on the coast could become rich by fishing and selling what they caught. If fishing was not a settler’s strong point, then they could try their hand at farming. Getting the land to farm on was the easy part. The ‘head right’ system gave each male 50 acres, and 50 acres to each indentured servant he might bring over. England could not do this because England so defined the social classes and they did not have enough land that they could give to every male and his indentured servant. In a similar economic revolution, the colonies out grew their mercantile relationship with England and developed their own expanding capitalist  system. The idea of a set amount of wealth in the world and that if one were to become wealthy, he or she had to take from someone who is already wealthy, is basically what mercantilism means. The colonies did not believe this idea in America. They believed that no matter who you were, if you had a good idea for making money you could do so, and without having to take it from someone else. This capitalistic spirit made many men very prosperous, unlike England who tried to force colonial ships to stop at England before they deliver their cargo. This would take money from the colonists and put it in the pockets of England. However, it did not work because the colonies figured out ways to make the raw materials on their ships into useable goods at the colonies themselves instead of at England. The colonies broadened the notion of liberty and self-government far beyond what England had ever envisioned. Through the years certain anomalies occurred, as colonial governments furthered themselves from the government of England. The governors of the colonies got power and certain prerogatives that the King had lost; the assembly of a colony got powers, particularly with respect to appointments, which Parliament had yet to gain. England was too preoccupied by the struggle between Parliament and Stuart Kings, to perfect effective imperial control over the colonies in America. The separation from England by the colonies in America took many years, but ultimately gave the colonists a real sense of freedom. Through small steps like, capitalism, self-government, and a fluid class structure, the colonies slowly, but surely, gained their independence from England. These changes in religion, economics, politics, and social structure illustrate this Americanization of the transplanted Europeans.

Rohingya Problem

ROHINGYA PROBLEM INTRODUCTION 1. The word Rohinga is derived from Rohang, the ancient name of Arakan. Situated on Burma's south-eastern border with Bangladesh. Arakan is one of the provinces of Burma and has a population of five million 40 percent of whom are Muslims. Burma was officially renamed as Myanmar on 18 June with its capital at Yangoon. Military rule covers the most of the history of Burmese politics. The Arakan Muslims are unhappy with the prevailing political system in Burma and some of them are harbouring an idea to establishment an independent homeland[1].The military regime in Burma have tried to contain the secessionist movement in that region and in the process they have unleashed reign of terror. Every instrument of torture and supression have been used by the regime in Burma to terrorise the Rohingyas to submission[2]. This attempt of Burmese ruler has caused ttrauma and ordeal for the Rohingyas. Their plight have been high lighted by international media quite aptl y and the problem has been quite known as well. 2. There are reports that the Burmese government is promoting resettlement in the area and replacing the Rohingyas with the Magh tribe.Rohingyas have been evicted from their homeland forcibly and driven out to seek refuge elsewhere. These refugees are taking place in Bangladesh cause tremendous problems for Bangladesh. On the other hand the settlement of Magh tribe, who believes in Buddhist faith, are aimed at pleasing the ego of ethnic Burmans. 3. There are many reasons for the genesis of the crisis in the state of Arakan, but references to demography, social, cultural, religious and historical dimensions are required to be studied to understand the problem. In Arakan these people do not inter marry .Rohingyas speak Bengali and they are under the influence of Bengali culture and civilization. At the religious level, there are irreconciliable differences. Burma has been a great centre of Buddhist learning and civilization for centuries , but the Rohingyas are proud of Islamic heritage. Constitutionally, and politically Buddhism and Muslims are antagonistic to each other and have the feeling of ethno-cenrrism. None of the communities are willing to accommodate the grievances of others. Finally there historical reasons for the two communities to feel different. 4. Our presentation on the subject will cover the following: . Over View on Geography and Demography. b. Background to Rohingya Problem. c. Effects on Bangladesh. because of historical references, in many places of our presentation we will be using the words Burma and Rangoon which are to be kindly read as Myanmar and Yangoon. AIM 5. The aim of the presentation is to highlight the problems of Rohingyas in Myanmar and its effects on Bangladesh. OVER VIEW ON GEOGRAPHY AND DEMOGRAPHY 6. Geographically it is lying along the eastern coast of the Bay of Bengal and Andaman Sea, in the south-east Asia, covering an area of 261,226 square kilometers.The country is bord ered by Thailand and Laos on the south-east , China on the north-east and Bangladesh and Indian state of Assam on the norht-west. It is considered to be the gateway to Indo-China peninsula as well as to China. Myanmar and Bangladesh share 171 miles of common border and have traditional commerce and cultural ties. There are 14 province and Arakan is one of them. 7. The people of Myanmar are of Mongoloid stock and derive from three main branches[3]: a. Tibeto-Burman. b. Mon-Khmer. c. Tai-Chinese. 8. Tibeto-Burman. The Tibeto-Burman group includes the Proto-Burmese, Kachins, Karens, Chins, Nagas etc.They entered Burma in three main waves from three directions. The Protoburmese probably came down the head-waters of Irrawaddy river and then from the north-east down the Salween valley. The Kachins entered from the north-west while the Chins and Nagas found their way in, a little further to the south. The Karens moved down the line of ridges to the east of the Sittang river and some the ea rlier groups settled west of the Irrawaddy from where they moved into the delta. 9. Mon-Khmer. The Mon-Khmer group which includes Austro-Asiatic races including Mon, Palaung, riang etc.They moved down the Mekong river into the Greater Indo-China peninsula and some groups fanned out westward into the Shan plateau and south-easternBurma. 10. Tai-Chinese. Tai-Chinese includes the Shans, Lao, Shan-Bama etc. They also came down the Salween river and settled in the Shan plateau. HISTORY OF ROHINGYA Muslim Population in Myanmar 11. The most striking feature of the spread of Islam in Myanmar is that it started gaining strength not through conversion but through immigration of Muslims and progeny of mixed marriages. Muslim seamaen first reached Myanmar in ninth century.During the fifteen and sixteen centuries, Tenasserim and Mergui were known as Muslim cities, traded with Malacca, Bengal and Mecca. During the seventeenth century Muslims proved to be capable traders. They owned flourishing bu siness houses and with their wealth had become so important that they also held some important key administrative appointments. But these Muslims, mostly from southern India were not acceptable to the native population. With the arrival of the British and French in the area at the end of seventeenth century, most of the Muslims were removed from the office and some were even killed. 2. The Muslims continued to settled near coastal towns of Myanmar and marrying the Burmese women despite maltreatment given by the local administrators. Many Muslims sea traders took this opportunity to get settled in these region of Burma and the descendants of these Arab, Persian and Indian Muslim traders formed the nucleus ‘Burman Muslim† community, which known as †Kala†. With the arrival of the Portuguese, Dutch, British and French Muslim domination of the seas began to decline. From the middle of the sixteenth century to the middle of eighteenth, Muslims served the Burmese Ar my. 3. During the nineteenth century Muslims again dominated not only in military services but also in administrative posts. Some of them were later on executed because the kings were not pleased their insistence on following their religious tenets. In the sixteenth century the Burmese Kings started settling Muslims in upper Burma, near Mydeyu in the district of Shwebo. These villages still exist today. The settlers were mostly Muslim prisoners who had been brought there at variuos periods. These Muslims received lands as their payment for their services to the king. 50 musketeers used to be supplied to the palace guard and this service was passed to the generations. Another group of Muslims from north India came to offer military service. The Burmese took care to distribute the Muslim settlers in small groups and in many villages to prevent the Muslims from forming a majority in any particular place. Gradually the Muslims were being looked down by the Burmese and their privileges b egan to fall. Further transfer of Muslim took place to the places where the Burmese refused to go. Muslim Population in Arakan 14.Arakan province renamed Rakhine by the Myanmar government came under the influence of Indian subcontinent in the 9th century A. D. In 11th century A. D. Arakan was made part of unified Burma. In the fifteenth century A. D. Arakan became an independent Muslim state under the rule of Sulayman Naramithla. The rule of Muslim King continued till it was conquered by Burmese Buddhist King Budapaya in 1784. Though Persian was the state language of this Muslim Arakan state, Bengali literature and poetry also flourished under direct patronage from Arakan Royal Court.Once a powerful state, Arakan Kingdom included Chittagong up to Feni river. During Aurangzeb's period the Mughuls captured Chittagong and the area east and south of river Karnaphully i. e. the present district of Banderaban and Cox's bazar which remained within Arakan Kingdom. In 1784 the Burmese King c onquered Arakan including Cox's bazar. However, the British drove the Burmese from Cox's bazar in late 1790's and then conquered Arakan in 1823. Arakan was under British occupation since 1826, and an enterprising Rohingya commercial class emerged in Akyab- a fishing village turned capital of Arakan division. 5. The post independent upheaval of a group of Arakan Muslim under the banner of â€Å"Mujahideens† brought about the religious ambitions of the Muslims in Myanmar. Upto 1955 the Mujahideens posed a serious law and order problem though they did not have much significance as a military threat to Rangoon as posed by other anti government forces. In general, local Arakan Buddhists community suffered a great deal of atrocities inflicted by them. This left a scar in the the relation between the Buddhist and Muslim communities, especially in Arakan.The Mujahideens failed to achieve the support of other Arakanese and Burmese muslims, and their insurrection came to an end in 1955 . The 1963-64 nation wide census revealed a large number of Arakanese Muslims sacttered about in Rangoon and Delta area. This caused considerable alarm to the Burman Buddhist authorities. Origin of Rohingya 16. Arakan is inhibited mainly by the Rohingyas and the Maghs. The Maghs are of Mongolian origin and Buddhist by faith. The Rohingyas are Muslim. The present estimated population of Arakan is 2. 2 million.Of these 1. 4 millions are Muslim. The word â€Å"Rohingya' came from the word â€Å"Rohang' which is the ancient name of Arakan. The Rohingya Muslim constitute the dominant portion of Arakan , known earlier as Rohang. The Muslim of Arakans who werev ancestors of present Rohingyas came the main land in three waves: a. First Wave. In the 8th centuries A. D. immediately after the advent of Islam Arab traders started visiting Bengal and Arakan. Many of these Arabs settled down in Arakan and inter mingled with locals in various forms. b. Second Wave.In 1660 the Mughul prince Shah Shuja having been defeated by emperor, left Bengal and on the invitation of the Arakanses Magh King landed in Arakan. Shah Shuja had train of five thousand followers who accompaned him to Arakan. Subsequently Shah Shuja and his family perished due to the treachery of Magh king Chandathu Sharma. However, Shah Shuja's followers settled in Arakan. Being the Indian muslim they also merged with the local Rohingya comminity. c. Third Wave. The third wave entered Burma during the British rule when the Muslim rose population significantly.These Muslim went for work including from Bangladesh and got settled down over Arakan and other parts of Myanmar. 17. The arrival of Muslim in Arakan started few centuries earlier and predated the arrival of many other people and races now inhibiting in Myanmar including Arakan. There are 153 registered ethnic races living in Myanmar where Rohingyas are not included. Though Rohingyas became gradually majority in Arakan but the political power remained wit the Maghs. PROBLEMS OF ROHINGYAS IN MYANMAR 18. General.Since the independence of Myanmar in 1948, the myanmar government had always been disarray due to multidimensional socio-political disorders. Ultimately, number of armed separatist movements had been organized and the number of insurgency groups continued to rise. Insurgency activities in Rakhine state along Bangladesh Border has also increased over the years. The suppressive attitude of the Military Junta gave rise to the political movement of the ethnic minorities all over Myanmar, where the movement of Rohingyas is no exception. The major problems of Rohingyas are disscussed in the subsequent paragraphs. 9. Depopulate Arakan of the Muslims. The withdrawal of British troops after the Second Wworld Wwar created a serious administrative vacuum in Arakan. The Magh communities in connivance with the Burma Independent Army killed approximately 100,000 rohingyas and drove out 50,000 across the border to the then East Pakistan. The idea was to depopulate Arakan of the Muslims. The relation between Arakan Muslims and Buddhist communities deteriorated[4]. 20. Right of Secession. During the independence of Myanmar from British, Rohingyas were kept away from all negotiations.Aung San and leaders of other nationalities signed the historic Union Treaty, where the Union of Burma was formed consisting of individual nation states with the right secede after ten years if the nationalities so wished. The agreement was adopted and included in the Union’s constitution under the heading â€Å"Right of Secession†. Unfortunately, no Rohingya representative from Arakan was invited to attend the convention. Thereby, Arakan lost her identity and constitutional guarantee of their rights and freedom[5]. 21. False Hope to the Rohingya.Some of Rohingya took up arms to redress their grievances after the independence. They were persuaded to lay down their arms on the false promise of granting political rights and similar treatment as other nationalities by Burmese authority. The Burmese authorities repeatedly broke their promises forcing the Rohingyas wander into the neighboring countries. Since 1942, approximately 1. 2 million Rohingyas were either forcibly expelled or had to flee the country to escape persecution[6]. 22. Ethnic Diversity. Most of the problems of Myanmar are genetic in nature.As many as fifty groups speaking over 100 languages and dialects have been identified for which the nation had to be administratively organised along ethnic lines, with seven so called states with non Burmese majority. All non Burmese majority states are located near the border. Somehow, the other people of the non Burmese majority states have traditional ties and bondage with their respective bordering neighbours in the form of religion, language, culture etc. During the independence from Britain, some of the states even opted to be the part of some other country and not Burma.The fact that concerns us is mo st Arakanese opted to be the part of the then East Pakistan, which remained a dream to them. Right from the inception of Burma, the government had been always reluctant about socio-political development of those non Burmese majority states. Most of the time the people of non Burmese majority states were oppressed. In consequence, insurgent activities continued to increase in those states[7]. 23. Muslim Imprisonment. Everything in Myanmar started degenerating as the Burmese way to socialism came in.As Arakan is the least developed province in Myanmar, the economical hardship was worst and a large number of Arakanese migrated into Myanmar proper. The 1963-64 nation wide census revealed a large number of Arakanese Muslims scattered about in Rangoon and Delta area. This caused considerable alarm to the Bhama Buddhist authorities. Then the Ne Win regime imposed a law, which restricted the movement of Muslims in Arakan, especially prohibiting the movement of Akyab district. Thus the Musli ms were put into a sort of imprisonment since 1964.However, poverty in Arakan could not stop all migration effectively. In the 1974 census, the authorities again found out the Arakan Muslim spreading over the commercially mobile areas of Myanmar. Ne Win, the socialist did not want that. The Muslims should be in Arakan only so that the Arakan Buddhist and Muslim could be used against each other. This was the best way to keep the national liberation movement of the Arakanese checked. Subsequently, the military regime imposed tighter restrictions on the movement of the Muslims. They could not even move inside their township or from village to village.Thus they were virtually imprisoned[8]. 24. Demand of an Independent State. The Muslim movement in the British India for separate Muslim nation brought about great impact upon the Muslim of Burma. Especially Arakanese Muslims, being in touch with the Muslim League in East Bengal, were very much motivated with the idea of an independent sta te. The motivation turned into Jihad or Holy War in 1948-54 after the independence. The Mujahids demanded a separate Muslim state inside Burma in name of Arakanistan with the active patronization of Pakistan. However, the movement failed.But later they realized their struggle under the flag of Nationalism with the name of Rohingya[9]. 25. Migration from East Pakistan. While the Mujahideen subsided, East Pakistan faced poverty and famine. Arakan in Burma being close to border , some of the then East Pakistanis entered Arakan for their survival and possible future. This was helped by the corrupt immigration, army, police and other officials. This illegal entry was also to be believed to be the master mind of the then Burmese Minister of Home Affairs to gain vote for his party in the election of 1956 and 1960[10]. 6. Political and Armed Movement. Since the day of independence, the Rangoon government has been keeping the Muslim population in Arakan as a balancing force against the Araka nese Buddhists to put down struggle for the national liberation. But the Muslims gradually realized that since 1964, the Buddhist and Muslim of Arakan forged unity to oppose military regime together . Many of the muslims joined Arakan National united Organization . Similarly the Arakan National Liberation Party patronized Muslim guerrillas, who emerged under the name of Rohingya.Such an alliance alarmed the Rangoon government. Meanwhile the emergence of the Arakan Liberation Party added much worry to the Junta. In 1977, the Ne Win forces wiped out the main army of these two groups along with their leaders. The event spread a cloud of misery over the Arakanese population. At the same time, a coup attempted by Arakanese was also foiled[11]. 27. Operation â€Å"King Dragon Offensive†. Burmese Army General Ne Win ruled the country from 1962 to 1988. As many as nine operations were carried out by Burmese Army /Territorial forces.Of which the major offensive was launched under the code name of â€Å"King Dragon Offensive† in 1978 to oppress the Rohingyas and the remnants of Arakanese Liberation forces. A large scale of atrocities were recorded by the ruling Junta. Ne Win ordered that small villages be abolished and concentrated in one large village which was fenced and stockaded with only one gate. Subsequently, hundreds of villagers were uprooted by force and driven into stockaded villages. Opposition and disobedience were met with stern and severe punishment. The table below will show the degree of atrocities carried out by the ruling Junta[12]: Ser |Township | Men Killed |Women Raped |Vills Destroyed | |1 |Kyauktaw |1855 |891 |74 | | | | | | | |2 |Ponnakyann |353 |930 |105 | | | | | | | |3 |Rethedaung |91 |340 |19 | | | | | | | |4 |Minbya |135 |315 |25 | | | | | | | |5 |Mrohaung |55 |239 |19 | | | | | | | |6 |Buthidaung |142 |560 |6 | | | | | | | |7 |Maungdaw |295 |1121 |5 | | | | | | | |8 |Mry Pon |- |- |6 | | |Total |2926 |4396 |259 | 28. Rohingya Refugee Crises in First Phase. The operation King Dragon Offensive of Ne Win forced about 30,000 Rohingyas to enter Bangladesh. The efugees started arriving daily in an ever increasing number. By June 1978, the total had swelled to over 200,000 and housed in 13 camps in bordering districts of Bangladesh and Myanmar. The overwhelming majority of the refugees, thus, appeared to be children and old people. The refugees arrived principally from the townships of Akyab, Kyauktaw, Minbya, Myank-U, Kathe-taung, Pauktan, Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathidaung. While the villagers were suffering, Ne Win tried to get the support of city folks by showing that they were driving out â€Å"Kalas† a word used derogatively for foreigners. This was entertained by some ignorant Arakanese in the cities.Most believed that the Ne Win regime started thinking about pushing the Muslims out into Bangladesh after the 1974 census, which revealed the migration of the Muslims into Burma proper and Eastern b order. Whatever their origin, they are Burmese officially, and they have every right to move inside their own country. The restriction of their movement since 1964 and final forceful expulsion of the Arakanese Muslims is the infalliable proof of the racist nature of Bhama Military rregime led by General Ne Win[13]. 29. Reasons for Rohingya Exodus. a. Refugees' Viewpoint. The refugees stated the following as the principal reasons for their exodus into Bangladesh[14]: 1)Harassment by the Burmese Government agencies which reached a climax during the ‘Operation Dragon' mounted to get rid of the Muslim from Arakan. (2)Lack of adequate security in the areas of their residence. (3)Restriction on their free movement. (4)Rice levy with intolerable severety amounting to oppression. (5)Omission of names of Muslims from the population returns of the census of 1973. b. Viewpoint of the Burmese Government. The viewpoint of the Burmese Government were different and these are as following[15] : (1)The ‘Operation Dragon', a semi-military search operation was not directed against the Muslims but against the illegal immigrants.They maintained that traditionally the movement of population was from the west to the east and it was well known that many people from Bangladesh had come to Burma without valid authority. In 1971, people from Bangladesh in thousands took shelter in Burma. (2)It was claimed that the Burmese Government that a survey was carried out to detect the illegal immigrants. It revealed that some Arakanese Muslims left Arakan as they did not like to submit themselves to this checking operation. Hence, those who had fled were considered by the Burmese Government as illegal immigrants. 30. Repatriation of Refugees. The effective diplomatic effort of Bangladesh and with the assistance of UNHCR, both , Bangladesh and Myanmar settled down the issue.Some of the salient of the agreement are as under[16]: a. ‘A' category refugees holding National Registrati on Certificate (NRC) would be repatriated immediately in the first phase with their family members. b. ‘B' category refugees, who could show any document issued by Burmese authority or any other proof as to their residence in Burma would be repatriated in the second phase. c. ‘C' category refugees are the left over ones and would be considered at the last. d. It was mutually agreed that the repatriation would start not later than 31 August 1978 and be completed within a period of six months from the date the first batch would return to Burma. e.It was also mutually agreed that the two governments would, after completion of repatriation of all Burmese refugees, initiate measures to cooperate for the prevention of illegal crossings of the border by persons from either side and be prepared to receive repatriated residence found to have crossed the border subsequent to the enforcement of the two governments. As agreed upon, the repatriation started on 31 August 1978. The ope ration, however, ran into difficulties with ‘C' categories refugees numbering 11,149. Following a series of discussions between the two governments, the government of Burma finally agreed that these refugees should be allowed to move into the reception camp located within Burma, where Burmese officials would take their oral evidence and after verification repatriate them to their respective villages.By 29 December 1979, the repatriation operation was virtually completed. All the repatriates, on arrival in Burma were given a repatriation card and eventually resettled in their respective villages. But the problem of who should be granted rights and privileges of citizenship remained an active issue. 31. Burma Citizenship Law. The Rohingyas came to Arakan about thousand years ago and made a significant contribution to her culture and heritage. They became an integral part of Arakan's political, social, economic and cultural life. But the citizenship laws passed in 1982, made the Rohingyas alien in the land of their fathers and ancestors.The new citizenship law defines citizen as those nationals who are the members of the ethnic groups that had settled in Burma before 1824, the date that marked the beginning of the British colonial period, during which foreigners, especially Indians and Chinese freely entered the country. The non nationals were eligible to be classified as â€Å"associates† or â€Å"naturalised citizens†, according to the detailed procedures specified in the law. The new law bars non nationals from holding important state and party positions, serving in the armed forces and police and pursuing higher education in the national institutions. These provisions have seriously affected the individual rights and privileges of non nationals, which they had previously enjoyed. This has further aggravated the socio-political disorders in the country[17]. 32.Change in Traditional Identity. As already mentioned, Bangladesh shares about 171 mile long border with Myanmar and that entire border belt forms part of the Rakhine state. Historically what was known as Arakan state has been officially changed to Rakkhine state by the military rulers some time in early 1980, siding with the existing Buddhist population. This step of the government created a serious commotion among the Arakan Muslims. Perhaps this was one of the major reasons for which number of insurgency groups has drastically increased from 1983 to 1993. Along the Bangladesh border, there were only four insurgent groups in 1983 which has increased to seven in 1993.Besides, latest reports reveal the existence of a new insurgent group known as â€Å"All Burma Democratic Student Front† claiming themselves to be the armed student wing of Sun Kyi, the democratic leader of Myanmar. The details of various insurgent groups operating in Rakkhine state is mentioned below[18]: a. Burmese Communist Party(BCP). b. National United Party of Arakan(NUPA). c. National United Front of Arakan(NUFA). d. Arakan Army(AA). e. National League for Democracy (NLD). f. Chin National Front (CNF). g. All Burma Democratic Student Front(ABSDF). h. Rohingya Solidarity Organisation (RSO). j. Arakan Rohingya Islamic Front (ARIF). k. Harkatul Ziehadul Islam of Arakan (HZIA). As of now the socio political disorder in Rakhine state is considered to be quite alarming.The gradual rise of insurgency activities has also seriously affected the historical peaceful relations between Bangladesh and Myanmar resulting into cross border violations and other issues of discord between the two countries. Role of SLORC 33. Deprivation from Voter List of 1989 Election. Through promulgation of Burmese Citizenship Act 1982, the Rohingya Muslims were deprived of their citizenship rights. They were made stateless. To prepare the voter list for 1989 General Electronics, the authorities initiated scrutiny through issue of National Registration Certificate (NRC) and Foreigner’s Reg istration Certificate (FRC) in Rakhine state.The Rohingya Muslims were then put through harassment as the Myanmar immigration authorities insisted on categorizing the Muslim inhabitants as â€Å"Bengalee Burmese†. The Rohingyas on the other hand insisted or being categorised as Arakan Muslims or Rohingya Muslim or Rakhine Muslims. The immigration authorities refused to accept the citizenship application from the Muslim population which resulted in the exclusion of a large number of Rohingya Muslims from the voter list[19]. 34. Establishment of Cantonments in Muslims Owned Lands. The State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) after the 1988 military take over decided to set up a number of new military cantonments in Rakhine state particularly in the north, where the Muslims are a majority.The authorities acquired homestead or arable lands belonging to the Muslims without any compensation. The Muslims found themselves homeless, when they refused to be rehabilitated in suit able mountainous region. The SLORC has taken up extensive programme of building cantonments and roads linking the cantonments and other military formations in the Muslims populated areas. The army forced local inhabitants to work in those projects with little or no wages at all. The Myanmar authorities do not provide fresh adequate ration to the troops deployed in the Arakan. As a result, they forcibly collect cattle and poultry from the locality at a much below market price.In Rakhine state, more Muslims’ lands were acquired by the SLORC for construction of cantonments and roads. The surplus land is given to Magh convicts and retired Army personnel on attractive terms, an attempt to change ethno-demographic pattern of the area[20]. 35. Military Atrocities. The Mynmar military authorities have destroyed or desecrated many Muslims places of worship. They have looted their properties, killed the inhabitants and raped their women. The SLORC took away rice from the fields belongi ng to the Muslims in the border areas to prevent from selling rice in Bangladesh. The Rohingyas had participated in the democratic movement of 1988.The present military regime has reportedly forced Muslims to pay compensation for government property damaged during the mass upsurge[21]. 36. Refugee Crisis in Second Phase. In 1989, the popular unrest started for the restoration of democracy in Myanmar. The student led the movement for democracy and the government of Saw Mung suppressed it with an iron hand. There were a lot of casualties and the majority of the people who died or faced the tyranny of the army were Burmans. Thus the Burmans were unhappy with the political system. In order to divert the attention of the people, it was necessary for the military regime to do something. As a sequel they focussed their attention once again on the Rohingyas.Again there was a search for the citizenship documents and in the absence of these documents, the Rohingyas had to face the atrocities. Therefore, once again the Rohingya issue surfaced in 1991 and this time approximately 270,000 Arakanese, mainlly the Rohingyas, crossed into Bangladesh. This time surfaced with greater gravity bringing both the countries almost close to a war. However, due to indirect mediation by China and under the pressure of various International Human Rights Organization, approximately 250,000 refugees have been accepted back by Myanamr and rest approximately 40,000 is in the process of repatriation. Though apparently Rohingya issue has died down, but with no assurance to us that it will not recur in future.As such, it is apprehended that Rohingya issue will continue to be a major stumbling block in the improvement of relations between Bangladesh and Myanmar. IMPACT ON BANGLADESH 37. The Rohingya problem has significant impact on Bangladesh. This can be stated as mentioned below: a. Effect on Population. Bangladesh is already an overpopulated country. The influx of the Rohingya refugees going to make Bangladesh more crowded with dense population. Besides this, the Rohingyas are having the same ethnic origin that of the people of the Chittagong area. They have got affinity with the Bangladeshis in terms of language and culture. The problem of differentiating them from local population make this problem more pronounced.This provides the Rohingyas an easy opportunity to become floating population in Bangladesh. It is feared that, presently more than 15000 Rohingyas are at large without any accountability. The intermarriage between the locals and Rohingyas are also making things more complicated in this aspects. b. Effects on Economy. Bangladesh is one of the poorest nation in the world and one of the major causes of her poverty is over population. Internationally the Rohingya problem has not been recognised so much, as such the out side support is not also very encouraging. Mostly it is the Bangladesh government who is dealing with this problem with her meager resources.Pro viding ration ( 4. 5 kg rice and adequate quantity of at and oil per refugee per week ) and other utilities to 19 Rohingya camps is costing Bangladesh heavily. Onrush of Rohingya refugees have already taken its toll on the resource constraint Bangladesh. The matter has put immense pressure on a densely populated country like Bangladesh. The poverty within region has increased many folds. It has already created a socio-economic imbalance in the area causing untold sufferings to the locals. Agricultural lands are being turned into sprawling refugee camps. Refugees allegedly sell rice and pulses rationed to them for buying vegetables and other essentials.Such illegal trade caused tremendous impact on the market price in the local area. At times the refuges are making false ration card to draw more ration. c. Effect on Ecology. The Rohingya refugees have taken shelter in camps which are located on 608 hectares of forestry land in Cox’s bazar and Bandarban district. What is causin g serious concern is that the surrounding rich forest are being destroyed by the refugees who are felling trees to use them as fuel or selling them for their livelihood. Already, the forest here has been denuded of the bamboo as they have been cut for making houses for the refugees. We are afraid that, if the refugees are to stay here for another year, nothing would be left for the forest.The forest department claims that till September 92 the refugees have destroyed forest resources worth Taka 740 million. They estimate that the refugees have damaged natural forest of 2021acres and new plantation of 91. 05 acres. d. Effect on Law and Order. The situation in and around the camps is a hostile one. The locals who lived scattered in the villages are scared of the refugees who live together and who in a minute can organise a united attack on the locals. The local fears that they are being outnumbered by the refugees. It is alleged that thousands of refugees have already slipped out of t he camps and settled in the nearby villages and towns.With Bangladesh and the UNHCR consolidating the relief operation for the refugees, an opposition backed group, Rohingya Repatriation Action Committee (RRAC ) has stepped up its campaign against the refugees. Launching a movement of 12 point demands, the RRAC’s main focus is against the move to build new camps at Jammupara off Ukhia. They complain that the camp would destroy their firms and encroach upon government owned forests. Besides these, at least five refugees were killed, one hundred injured and nearly five hundred others were arrested following commotion that swept different refugee camps. It is alleged that at times the refuges have used fire arms.There are instances where the agitating Rohingyas assaulted camp officials and on duty policemen. The militant refugees of the Dhuapalong camp also attacked a nearby village and looted the homes of the villagers. It is reported that some foreign NGO’s and the UNCH R officials were involved in agitating the refugees. The UNCHR promptly denied such an allegation. e. Effects on Politics. Presently Bangladesh is not in a comfortable situation to deal with this matter politically. The attitude of the Myanmar government in regards to Rohingya problem is not conducive to diplomatic solution. At the same time Bangladesh is not in a situation to enforce her desire in this aspect on Myanmar.There are possibilities of detoriating relationship between Bangladesh and China as China maintains extremely good relation with Myanmar. A perpetual enmity with Myanmar leaves Bangladesh to be sandwiched between two antagonistic neighbours India and Myanmar. Enmity with Myanmar also is likely to deprive Bangladesh of the opportunity of exploiting Myanmar’s future economic and commercial potential. There are also strong public and political opinion in favour of internationalising the Rohingya issue especially involving the United Nations. Bangladesh is carefu lly avoiding to do so and trying for bilateral negotiations. It may be possible that China has played a covert role in convincing Bangladesh to settle for a bilateral solution to save Myanmar from embarrassment.The relationship between the Bangladesh Government and some of the NGOs have also detoriated as the NGOs were playing negative role in the repatriation process. f. Effect on Administration. The Rohingya problem has become a huge administrative burden on the Bangladesh Government. It has become a real problem to maintain accountability of the refugees and maintain the administration of their camps. Bangladesh had to establish separate administrative organisation where huge number of government officials are placed to look after the administration of the Rohingya refugees. CONCLUSION 30. The arrival of Muslim in Arakan started few centuries earlier and predated the arrival of many other people and races now inhibiting in Myanmar including Arakan.There are 153 registered ethnic races living in Myanmar where Rohingyas are not included. Though Rohingyas became gradually majority in Arakan but the political power remained wit the Maghs. 31. Rohingyas are an unfortunately peiple. Although, they are a part of the Burmese race and have been living in Arakan for about thousand years, they have been persistently subjected to persecution by the successive Myanmar regimes. In the past they were driven out of their homes more than once. Contrary to the Burmese Laws, the Burmese Constitution and international Laws, these ill fated peiple have been discriminated because of their race, religion and culture.The last nail in the coffin in these series of repression and discrimination was the passing of the black law called, Burmese Citizenship Law 1982 by which the Rohingyas have been made aliens in the land of their ancestors. All these happened mainly because Myanmar has been ruled by the dictators where human right violations are common practices. 32. The Rohingya issu e is not of recent origin. It has been there for more than hundred years. The exodus of Rohingya refugees is a recurrent matter and took place several times under the persecution of different Burmese ruler. The systematic manner in which the Burmese government is proceeding with its current actions apparently reveals that they intend to uproot the Rohingyas from Arakan alleging them to be illegal immigrants.Rohingyas on the other hand, demand for the citizenship rights and full protection of their culture, religion, ethnic identity and property. The impacts of Rohingya refugees on Bangladesh are significantly. It is posing threat to our socioeconomic condition, environment, security and bilateral relationship of Bangladesh. BIBLIOGRAPHY Books 1. S R Chakravarty (Ed), â€Å"Foreign Policy Of Bangladesh†, Haranand Publications, 1994. 2. Abdul Razzak and Mahfuzul Haque, â€Å" A Tale of Refugees in Bangladesh†, Centre for human rights, 1995. 3. Shwe Lu Maung, â€Å"Natio nalism – an Analysis of Society, Culture and Politics of Burma†, University Press Limited, Dhaka, 1986. 4.Muhammad Shamsul Haq, â€Å"Bangladesh in International Politics-Relations with Neighbours: Burma†,University Press Limited, Dhaka, 1993. Presentation Papers 5. Rohingya Problems by 9 Infantry Division. 6. Modernization of Myanmar Army by 24 Infantry Division. Interview 7. Mr. Faruk Alamgir, DDG News, Bangladesh Television. 8. Mr. Manzoorul Haque, Senior Logistics & Coordination Officer, UNHCR. 9. Mr. Nurul Islam, Director, Ministry of Foreign Affairs. ———————– [1] SR Chakravarty (Ed), Foreign Polcy of Bangladesh, 1994, P. 293. [2] Ibid P. 293. [3] Presentation paper on â€Å"Rohingya problem† by 9 Infantry Division. [4] A tale of Rohingyas in Bangladesh by Abdur Razzaq and Mahfuzul Haque,1995, P. 15-16. [5] Ibid, P. 16. [6] Ibid, P. 7] Shwe Lu Maung, Nationalism and Ideology – an Analysis odf Society, Culture and Polotics of Burma, University Press Limited, Dhaka, 1989, P. 61-62. [8] Modernazition of Myanmar Army, Presentation by 24 Infantry Division, P. 12. [9] Ibid, P. 60 – 61. [10] Ibid, P. 61. [11] Ibid, P. 62 – 65. [12] Ibid, P. 62 – 64. [13] Muhammad Shamsul Haq, Bangladesh in International politics- Relations with Neighbours: Burma, University Press Limited, Dhaka, 1993, P. 135. [14] Ibid, P. 136. [15] Ibid. [16] Ibid. P. 141. [17] Modernasization of Myanmar Army, Opcit. P. 13.. [18] Ibid. P. 14 – 15. [19] A Tale of Rihingyas in Bangladesh by Abdur Razzaq and Mahfuzul Haque, 1995, P. 20. [20] Ibid, P. 21. [21] Ibid.

Movies on Racial Discrimination Movie Review Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Movies on Racial Discrimination - Movie Review Example And even though he was locked up inside, he still knows how to do and handle "business." Guys on their neighborhood, Mexican-Americans mostly, are members of their gang and they call one another as "carnal." When he got out of the jail, he learned from his father that he was not born out of love but just a product of a sexual assault. His mother then was raped by sailors at the time of the Zoot Suit Riot. When Santana met his love interest in the movie, he was tempted to change his ways for her sake. But even if he was tempted, it did not happen. Some things went wrong so the two of them did not end up being together. Santana, in the last part of the movie, was brought back behind the bars again and there he was killed by his fellow inmates. Talk to Me, on the other hand, is a movie that has concentrated on the life of Petey Greene after he got out of prison. He was an ex-convict who wanted to land a job in a radio station where his former inmate's brother is working. He was at first turned down by Dewey thinking that helping him might cost him his job. But the table has twitched and turned and so Dewey has still decided to help him. Hence, Petey has become a successful disc jockey and a television personality. The issue then on race is and has always been a big matter even up to now when there are already so many societies claiming to practice egalitarianism. But what like Marks said- racial categories are but just "cultural constructs" to which Biology would deny to give its support (Marks, available from http://www.mrrena.com/misc/race.php). In the movie Zoot Suit, it was clearly presented that the Mexican-Americans' trademark are the Zoot Suits. But as mentioned in the film, the real meaning of Zoot suit has been distorted by the media. It was used against them and was used to label them. As a result, crimes or any sort of violence within the area would always be attributed to them. Marks also mentioned in his writing that being a member of what he called "unbiological groupings" referring to the racial categories (such as the Chicanos and Jews) "may mean the difference between life and death, for they are the categories that allow us to be identified (and accepted or vilified) socially" (Marks, available from http://www.mrrena.com/misc/race.php). Applying it in the context of the movie American Me, becoming a part of the gang to which Santana belongs to is one's pride and joy. This film didn't portray racism as it is in the usual way since the Mexican-Americans here were the ones being discriminatory. And as a proof to this, there was even a scene in the movie that showed the gang raping a white guy. Another movie that has touched some of the issues on racism is Talk to Me. Blacks, as we all know, have always been mistreated. They have been often discriminated and ridiculed by the Whites as if they belong to a different species. Their opinions or take on matters are not important at all or so they believe. In this movie, when Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was shot to death, the Blacks cause an uproar and chaos on the streets to show the Whites how angry they were for killing him. The Blacks' strong affinity with him is maybe because he was also one of them. Furthermore, only few people can assert their right on social issues and Martin Luther King Jr. was one of them. He was like the voice of the Black people so it wasn't surprising anymore that people would violently react about his death.

Source Evaluation Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words - 6

Source Evaluation - Essay Example Essentials of Strategic Management is a comprehensive summary of the book Strategic Management: An Integrated Approach written by the same authors. The book follows a structure that is also used in the larger version in order to assist learners in the identification and the emphasis of key concepts in more concise and updated ways. The presentation of text in this book is founded on real world practices as well as contemporary thinking and features an increased importance on the concept of business models as a manner of perceiving the issues of competitive advantage. The book also features progressive research, a newer strategic management theory as well as a hand-on approach that allows the reader to explore the main themes in management such as corporate performance, technology as well as business ethics among others. Additionally, it also it also includes a high quality case program that examines companies of different sizes domestically and globally so that readers may achieve an experience as they put chapter concepts into practical events in a number of occurrences. Charles Hill and Gareth Jones consider Wal-Mart’s business model as being based on purchasing goods from suppliers at the lowest rates possible and then reselling the same products to its customers at profitable prices that are as low as possible (120). The company has come up with strategies that have enabled it to position in a manner that keeps operating costs at the minimum in order to ensure that customers get the lowest prices on a daily basis with continuous price rollbacks. From inception, the company has been using strategies that increase its efficiency in various ways including ensuring low product differentiation as well as targeting mass markets. Wal-Mart’s business model that is based on discounts for its retail customers is founded on the idea that low costs will result in lower prices. After identify ways of

An investigation into the services provided by the National Insurance Coursework

An investigation into the services provided by the National Insurance Board in the Bahamas - Coursework Example ............ 6 The Urgent Need for Reforms †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦... 7 The NIB Restructure Explained †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. 11 The National Insurance Fund is not in a â€Å"Crisis† †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦...13 Personal Analysis of the NIB Services †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦...14 Conclusion and Recommendation: The Need for Privatization †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦..15 Works Cited †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.17 Appendix †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã ¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦..19 Introduction Started in 1972, the National Insurance Board (NIB) of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas is an organization in charge of the management of the Bahamian social security system. It was established based on a Parliament Act - the National Insurance Act which was signed into law by the Minister of Labor and Welfare, Clifford Darling, on December 12, 1972. The National Insurance Act is an act to institute a national insurance system for the provision of income replacement against contingencies, such as in sickness, maternity, retirement, invalidity, death, work injury or involuntary income loss (â€Å"Chapter 350: National Insurance†). ... Moreover, the Commission aimed to evaluate the viability of unemployment benefits (â€Å"Better Social Security for Bahamians†). In 2009, following the 8th Actuarial Review of the National Insurance Fund, recommendations were made by the Social Security Reform Commission to guarantee the long-term sustainability of the NIB Funds and to ensure the protection of the aging and insured population by increasing revenues and reducing operational costs (Ward). This paper aims to investigate the services rendered by the National Insurance Board to the Bahamian people; to explain the NIB losses; and to assess the need for increased contributions, reduced benefits, improved compliance and reduced administrative costs for securing long-term sustainability of the National Insurance Fund. This author will give personal analysis of the NIB services and will give recommendations for the solution of its present dilemma. The National Insurance Board In 1972, the NIB was established in accordan ce with the 1972 National Insurance Act, aimed at providing social security coverage to the insured Bahamian members and their dependents through Benefit Payments in such cases as sickness, funeral, invalidity, maternity, retirement, unemployment, and the death of the family's bread-winner survivorship, work injury comprising disablement, death and medical care. Moreover, the NIB offers a minimum level of social security coverage for persons unqualified for such benefits as of right; and provides efficient administration of the National Insurance Programme and Fund compliant with the judiciary rules of the National Insurance Act; and supports the country’s socio-economic growth and development (â€Å"The National Insurance Board†). Benefits and Assistance The National Insurance Board provides

3M COMPANY Coursework Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

3M COMPANY - Coursework Example A unique accounting standard is used across the world to deliver a unique and global standard high quality accounting and reporting of financial statements. The main purpose is to convey the economic condition of an organisation in the most fair and unbiased manner. The shareholders would make use of such information to make decision whether to invest in a company or not. Evaluation of the purpose and context of International Financial Reporting Standards The International Financial Reporting Standards Foundation (IFRS) is an autonomous, non –profit organisation that works for the interest of the public. It is devised as a universal global language that is used for business dealings so that the accounts of a company are comprehendible and comparable across boundaries of nations and continents. The main purpose of this accounting standard is to overcome the cross country barriers in today’s time when many companies have their operations overseas and hence have to account for their businesses in different business languages (Bragg, 2010, p.172). The European Union was the first to abide by the IFRS. However, it was later adopted by the other countries across the globe considering the benefits it provided. Prior to the implementation of the IFRS, the International Accounting Standards was used which operated between the years 1973 and 2001 and was controlled by International Accounting Standards Committee (IASC). The prime objectives of the IFRS include: Development of a distinct set of premium, comprehendible, imposable and internationally accepted IFRS through its regulatory and supervisory body. Promotion of such standards and ensuring that it is properly implemented. Providing with assistance to the developing countries in their financial reporting needs. Promotion and adoption of an improved IFRS through the union of IFRS and the National Accounting standards. The IFRS is used across the world by the different companies. Regulatory bodies, analy sts and accounting professionals with an aim to reduce costs for comparing financial statements that otherwise would have arisen due to use of various accounting standards. Most of the MNC’s have cross country operations and they would benefit most from this IFRS as it is a unique standard of accounting. However it had been argued by several experts that the IFRS may not provide with a fair valuation of the companies residing in different countries because the local laws of countries may vary and thus losses or profit may not be accounted for in a proper manner (Kirk, 2006. p.306). The foundation ensures accountability to the public through the pathway of keeping their work transparent and consulting with any party who is interested in this process of setting a standard. They also link to the public in a formal way. There is a monitoring board that is linked to the public for all their accounting questions. The trusties review the constitution once in every five years. The pu blic can also access their proposals through their website and provide recommendations. All their meetings are open to the public and the notes are also disclosed to the public. 3M communicates with its shareholders and sends out the detailed financial performance in the Annual General Meeting through the Publication of the annual report (Needles, 2013, p.714). The main objective of 3M is to impart an unbiased awareness among the investors of the company and encouraging them to hold on with such investments. The company is accountable to the shareholders because they are the ultimate owners of the company. There is a problem with disclosing all the information in

Art Exhibition Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Art Exhibition - Essay Example Michael Criton located Johns â€Å"between Duchamp and Pollack, between the found object and the created abstraction† (Lanchner and Johns, 2009, p. 19). The second work of art is a collection of prints by Johns in which the numbers 0-9 have been created through the methodology of lithography. Lithography is a process where a smooth surface is treated in some areas so that it will retain ink, but leaving others so that the ink will not be retained. The surface is then used as a printing object from which to press an image onto another surface, most often a paper. The works were created between 1960 and 1963 and are simply titled â€Å"0-9†. The two pieces can be compared from a number of elemental concepts in order to further explore the nature of Jasper John’s work. The painting â€Å"Map† was created in the earlier part of his career when the exploration of the ideologies of America were being combined with the explorations of their meanings through the use of ‘readymade’ objects. The blurring of borders speaks of unity while the bursts of color are in motion, commenting on the wide diversity of the nation. The lines of the distinct object of the map are muddled by the use of the paint overtop of them. The colors are vibrant and primary, using red, yellow, and blue in bursts across the work, the colors blending at some points, distinctive at others. The oil paints are thick with the texture of the work dense and mountainous on top of the map. There is a repetition that creates balance within the chaos and while there is no use of perspective, there is a sense of density that is felt that about the object of the map as the colors burst forth across the entirety of the work. Although there seems to be no design to the work, there is a definite balance to the way in which the colors are utilized. They erupt across the painting in light and darkness, yellow splicing through the red and darker blue to

Katz's Paradoxes of Evil Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Katz's Paradoxes of Evil - Essay Example Such setting may lead us to engage in evil deeds with or without our knowledge. Furthermore, our behaviors are unique; however, we are only guided by morals and principles. Contrary, morals are not universal, they are very personal for what may be right the one individual may be wrong in the beliefs and judgment of another. As such, our behavior can lead us to act in either way that is good or evil. Therefore, it is important to know that committing evil doe s not require any skills and any person can commit evil knowingly or unknowingly. In support of this paradox, the bible is quotes Jesus telling a group of people who were condemning an individual for acting wrongly. He said that if any of them clearly knew that they were absolutely clean from evil then they should be the first to reprimand that condemned individual. In the end none came forth for they all, knew that they had committed evil. According to James Waller a social psychologist, extraordinary evil is very weighty, as it may involve sins like mass murder, genocide among others. However, committing such evils may not require an extraordinary person. Most of the perpetrators of such acts have a starting point. As time passes when they are holding on small responsibility they gradually graduate to handle more and more responsibilities. In the end they have the capacity and machinery to commit the extraordinary evils (Waller n.p). In my own view, there are other factors that may lead an ordinary person to commit an extraordinary evil such as merging roles. Naturally, the basic assumption is that if an individual is good they will act or behave in a good manner and if they are evil minded then they will engage in evil ways. Conversely, this assumption may not hold if a person is given merging roles. For example if a good person if delegated for duties that require them to undertake evil acts, as time

William Wordsworth’s Use of Nature Essay Example for Free

William Wordsworth’s Use of Nature Essay William Wordsworth sought to find universal truths, rather than individual ones. They challenged their readers to look at nature not with a sense of fear or apathy, but as an equal. Poets urged people to see that nature and man are one, and therefore, by experiencing nature, one can experience life more fully. To do so, people must first have an authentic experience, keeping an open mind, free from rational thought. Imagination must take over from there, providing one with not only a sense of resolution, but also independence. Although some experiences may make one sadder, it also makes one wiser in knowing the truth, and living through the experience. Wordsworth and the other Romantic poets strayed away from the common Neoclassical thought that poetrys main goal was to teach, in that he believed poetrys main goal was for pleasure. Out of teaching, comes pleasure in the learning. Lyrical poetry, a passionate speaking from the heart, was created as a result. The works of Wordsworth justify his experience as an early child who undergone hardship in life by losing early his beloved parents and leaving with him his neurotic sister Dorothy. (Online Literature) The magnificent landscape deeply affected Wordsworths imagination and gave him a love of nature. (Read Print Online). Nature deserves to be love and praise by addressing these to all his work. This can be proven in his following works: First, Wandered Lonely as a Cloud is Wordsworths interpretation of an experience that his sister, Dorothy, had. Second, Strange Fits of Passion Have I known is a realization and visualization of fear in losing Lucy. Third, The Prelude is full of his memories, youthful adventure and nature that mold him spiritually and feel free. There are lots of ballads written by William Wordsworth that illustrate the love and use nature based on his experienced. This research explores only these three works. Wandered Lonely as a Cloud First, Wandered Lonely as a Cloud is Wordsworths interpretation of an experience that his sister, Dorothy, had. Dorothy Wordsworth says in her journals that the day to which the poem refers to was full of furious winds and heavy rain, in which they tried to run away from. This running away symbolizes Wordsworth takes his sisters experience and gains his own; one of beauty and understanding versus his sisters running away. To him, and other lyrical poets, in order for man to grow and mature, he/she must face nature. When this balance is gained, the poet has been successful. Man in general running away from nature. (Applebee, Arthur N. , et al. , 2000). The poem lonely as a Cloud begins with the evidence of an error, resolves the problem, and shows at the end a proof of authenticity. Love is created, and therefore, the poet can never hate or destroy nature. The poem subjected a person to restrictions and classifications that society has placed on a certain ways of life. It also shows the feeling of Wordsworth in loving human and nature. It tells the pleasure from being in solitude. When in solitude and tranquility, the rational mind is stopped so that unregulated emotion can begin. I Wandered Lonely as a Cloud, Wordsworth presents a picturesque natural setting that not only delights the mind’s eye of the speaker, but the reader as well. First, he describes the daffodils as â€Å"golden,† (Davies, Hunter, 1980) instantly giving them aesthetic value. Then he uses personification to add to the beauty of the scene by characterizing the daffodils as â€Å"dancing in the breeze. † A simile adds to the effect of the natural setting by comparing the natural daffodil garden to another beautiful natural panorama: â€Å"Continuous as the stars that shine/ and twinkle on the Milky Way/ they stretched in never-ending line. † Hyperbole emphasizes the magnitude of the scene. â€Å"Ten thousand saw I at a glance. † Wordsworth continues by juxtaposing the daffodils with the waves that crash in the sea beside them. Even the waves cannot compare in beauty, he says. Later, while lying on his couch, the daffodils give the speaker a feeling of â€Å"bliss,† accentuating the Romantic tenet that humans can find true beauty and joy in nature. Strange Fits of Passion Have I known revised and analyzed by Sarena Cha

Cloud computing security

Cloud computing security Abstract The term Cloud computing becomes more popular day by day. As this is happening, security concerns start to arise. Maybe the most critical one is that as information is spread into the cloud, the owner starts to lose the control of it. In this paper we attempt to give a brief overview of what is described by the term Cloud computing and provide a small introduction to what we mean by Cloud computing security [Brunette, 2009]. Make a discussion of what are the security benefits that Cloud computing introduces and also the security risks that arise due to its adaptation according to [ENISA, 2009]. Index Terms Cloud, security, risks, security benefits. Introduction Cloud computing funds started to build in early 90s. The main idea behind cloud computing is to separate the infrastructure and the mechanisms that a system is composed of, from the applications and services that delivers [Brunette, 2009]. Clouds are designed in such a way that can scale easily, be always available and reduce the operational costs. That is achieved due to on demand multi-tenancy of applications, information and hardware resources (such as network infrastructure, storage resources and so on). According to [Mell, 2009] Cloud computing is composed by five Essential Characteristics, three Service Models and four Deployment Models as shown in figure bellow. More details on each of the above components can be found in [Mell, 2009] Security The way that security control is implemented on Cloud computing is most of the times similar to this of traditional IT environments. But due to the distributed nature of the assets security risks vary depending on the kind of assets in use, how and who manages those assets, what are the control mechanisms used and where those are located and finally who consumes those assets [Brunette, 2009]. Furthermore earlier we mentioned that multi-tenancy. This means that a set of policies should be implementing how isolation of resources, billing, segmentation and so on is achieved is a secure and concise way. In order to measure whether the security that a Cloud Provider (CP) offers is adequate we should take under consideration the maturity, effectiveness, and completeness of the risk-adjusted security controls that the CP implements. Security can be implement at one or more levels. Those levels that cover just the Cloud infrastructure are: physical security, network security, system security and application security. Additionally security can take place at a higher level, on people, duties and processes. It is necessary at this point to have understanding of the different security responsibilities that CPs and end users have. And also that sometimes even among different CPs the security responsibilities differ. Security Benefits [ENISA, 2009] in its report has spotted the following top security benefits that arise due to the use of Cloud computing. Security and the benefits of scale: when implementing security on a large system the cost for its implementation is shared on all resources and as a result the investment end up being more effective and cost saving. Security as a market differentiator: as confidentiality, integrity and resilience is a priority for many the end users, the decision on whether they will choose one CP over another is made based on the reputation this CP has on security issues. Hence competition among CPs made them provide high level services. Standardise interfaces for managed security services: as CPs use standardise interfaces to manage their security services the Cloud computing market benefits from the uniformity and tested solutions this introduces. Rapid, smart scaling of resources: Cloud computing is considered resilient since it has the ability to dynamically reallocate resources for filtering, traffic shaping, authentication, encryption. Audit and evidence gathering: since virtualization is used in order to achieve Cloud computing, it is easy to collect all the audits that we need in order to proceed with forensics analysis without causing a downtime during the gathering process. More timely, effective and effective updates and defaults: another thing that Cloud computing benefits from virtualization is that virtual machines (VM) can come pre-patched and hardened with the latest updates. Also in case of a configuration fault or a disaster caused by changes made on the VM, we can rollback to a previous stable state. Benefits of resource concentration: having all of your resources concentrated makes it cheaper to maintain and allows physical access on those easier. That outweighs most of the times the risk the disadvantages that this generates. Security Risks The following classes of cloud computing risks were identified by [ENISA, 2009]. Loss of governance: as users do not physically posses any resources, CPs can take control on a number of resources. If those resources are not covered from an SLA security risks arise. Lock-in: as we write this paper there is still no standardization on how to move data and resources among different CPs. That means in case a user decides to move from a CP to another or even to migrate those services in-house, might not be able to do so due to incompatibilities between those parties. This creates a dependency of the user to a particular CP.. Isolation failure: one of the disadvantages of multi-tenancy and shared resources occurs when the resource isolation mechanism fails to separate the resource among users. That can occur either due to an attack (guest-hopping attacks) or due to poor mechanism design. In present days attacks of this kind are pretty rare compared to the traditional Oss but for sure we cannot rely just on that fact. risk category covers the failure of mechanisms separating storage, memory, routing and even reputation between different tenants. Compliance risks: there is a possibility that investing on achieving certification is put under risk due to the following: The CP cannot provide evidence of their own compliance with the relevant requirements The CP does not permit audit by the cloud customer (CC). Also it is possible that compliance with industry standards is not able to be achieved when using public Cloud computing infrastructure. Management interface compromise: CPs provide to the users, management interface for their resources on public Cloud infrastructures. That makes those interfaces available over the internet allowing remote access applications or web browsers vulnerabilities to allow access on resources from unauthorised users. Data protection: CP is possible to handle data in ways that are not known (not lawful ways) to the user since the users looses the complete governance of the data. This problem becomes even more obvious when data are transferred often between locations. On the other hand, there are lot of CPs that provide information on how data are handled by them, while other CPs offer in addition certification summaries on their data processing and data security activities. Insecure or incomplete data deletion: there are various systems that upon request of a resource deletion will not completely wipe it out. Such is the case with Cloud computing as well. Furthermore difficulties to delete a resource on time might arise due to multi-tenancy or dues to the fact that many copies of this resource can exist for backup/ redundancy reasons. In cases like this the risk adds to the data protection of the user is obvious. Malicious insider: there is always that possibility that an insider intentionally causes damage. For that reason a policy specifying roles for each user should be available. The risks described above constitute the top security risks of cloud computing. [ENISA, 2009] further categorises risks into policy and organizational risks, technical risks, legal risks and finally not specific risks. Vulnerabilities The list of vulnerabilities that follows [ENISA, 2009], does not cover the entirety of possible Cloud computing vulnerabilities, it is though pretty detailed. AAA Vulnerabilities: Special care should be given on the authentication, authorization and accounting system that CPs will use. Poor designed AAA systems can result to unauthorized users to have access on resources, with unwanted results on both the CP (legal wise) and the user (loss of information). User provisiontion vulnerabilities: Customer cannot control provisioning process. Identity of customer is not adequately verified at registration. Delays in synchronisation between cloud system components (time wise and of profile content) happen. Multiple, unsynchronised copies of identity data are made. Credentials are vulnerable to interception and replay. User de-provisioning vulnerabilities: Due to time delays that might occur, credential of user that have earlier logged out might appear to still be valid. Remote access to management interface: Theoretically, this allows vulnerabilities in end-point machines to compromise the cloud infrastructure (single customer or CP) through, for example, weak authentication of responses and requests. Hypervisor Vulnerabilities: In virtualized environments Hypervisors is a small piece of middleware that is used in order to be able to control the physical resources assigned to each VM. Exploitation of the Hypervisors layer will result on exploiting every single VM on a physical system. Lack of resource isolation: Resource use by one customer can affect resource use by another customer. For example IaaS infrastructures use systems on which physical resources are shared among VMs and hence many different users.. Lack of reputational isolation: The resource sharing can result on one user acting in such a way that its actions have impact on the reputation of another user. Communication encryption vulnerabilities: while data move across the internet or among different location within the CP premises it is possible that someone will be reading the data when poor authentication, acceptance of self-signed certificates present and so on. Lack of or weak encryption of archives and data in transit: In conjunction with the above when failing to encrypt data in transit, data held in archives and databases, un-mounted virtual machine images, forensic images and data, sensitive logs and other data at rest those are at risk. Poor key management procedures: Cloud computing infrastructures require the management and storage of many different kinds of keys; examples include session keys to protect data in transit, file encryption keys, key pairs identifying cloud providers, key pairs identifying customers, authorisation tokens and revocation certificates. Because virtual machines do not have a fixed hardware infrastructure and cloud based content tends to be geographically distributed, it is more difficult to apply standard controls, such as hardware security module (HSM) storage, to keys on cloud infrastructures. Key generation: low entropy for random number generation: The combination of standard system images, virtualisation technologies and a lack of input devices means that systems have much less entropy than physical RNGs Lack of standard technologies and solutions: This is the case of lock-in risk, where users cannot move across different providers due to the lack of standards. No control on vulnerability assessment process: If CPs will not prevent their users from port scanning and testing for possible vulnerabilities and also there is no audit on the time of use (ToU) for a user (something that places responsibility on the customer) severe infrustrusture security problems will arise. Possibility that internal (Cloud) network probing will occur: Cloud customers can perform port scans and other tests on other customers within the internal network. Possibility that co-residence checks will be performed: Side-channel attacks exploiting a lack of resource isolation allow attackers to determine which resources are shared by which customers. Lack of forensics readiness: While the cloud has the potential to improve forensic readiness, many providers do not provide appropriate services and terms of use to enable this. For example, SaaS providers will typically not provide access to the IP logs of clients accessing content. IaaS providers may not provide forensic services such as recent VM and disk images. Sensitive media sanitization: Shared tenancy of physical storage resources means that sensitive data may leak because data destruction policies applicable at the end of a lifecycle may either be impossible to implement because, for example, media cannot be physically destroyed because a disk is still being used by another tenant or it cannot be located, or no procedure is in place. Synchronizing responsibilities or contractual obligations external to cloud: Cloud customers are often unaware of the responsibilities assigned to them within the terms of service. There is a tendency towards a misplaced attribution of responsibility for activities such as archive encryption to the cloud provider even when it is clearly stated in the terms of the contract between the two parties that no such responsibility has been undertaken. Cross cloud applications creating hidden dependency: Hidden dependencies exist in the services supply chain (intra- and extra-cloud dependencies) and the cloud provider architecture does not support continued operation from the cloud when the third parties involved, subcontractors or the customer company, have been separated from the service provider and vice versa. SLA clauses with conflicting promises to different stakeholders: An SLA might include terms that conflict one another, or conflict clauses made from other providers. SLA causes containing excessive business risk: From CPs perspective an SLA can hide a bunch of business risks when someone thinks of the possible technical failures that might arise. At the end user point SLAs can include terms that can be disadvantageous. Audit or certification not available to customers: The CP cannot provide any assurance to the customer via audit certification. Certification schemes not adapted to cloud infrastructures: CPs will not really take any actions to provide security measures that comply with Cloud computing security standards. Inadequate resource provisioning and investments in infrastructure: This vulnerability comes in hand with the one that follows. Provisioning of resources should be done carefully in order to avoid failures of the provided services. No policies for resource capping: CPs should make really well provisioning of their resources. Also end users should be able to configure the resources that are allocated to them. If the limits of requested resources exceed this of the available resources results can be unpredictable. Storage of data in multiple jurisdictions and lack of transparency: Multiple copies of users data can exist since mirroring of the data is performed in order to achieve redundancy. During that time the user should we aware of where are those data stored. Such a move can introduce unwanted vulnerabilities since CPs may violate regulations during this time. Lack of information jurisdictions: there might be a case where data are stored using high level of user rights. In that case end users should be aware of it in order to take preventing measures. Conclusion In this paper we tried to give a brief overview of cloud computing and discuss what security on Cloud computing means. Furthermore, we made it easy for the reader to understand what the benefits and risks of moving toward Cloud computing are. Vulnerabilities of Cloud computing are listed as those were described in [ENISA, 2009], allowing us to have a full view of what are the considerations that we should keep in mind when moving on Cloud computing. It is also well understood that exhaustive risk and security control is not recommended on all Cloud computing implementations. The level of control should always depend on prior evaluation. There are still lot of open research areas on improving Cloud computing security, some of those are; Forensics and evidence gathering mechanisms, resource isolation mechanisms and interoperability between cloud providers. References [ENISA, 2009] ENISA editors. (2009). Cloud Computing Benefits, risks and recommendations for information security. . [Accessed 25 March 2010] [Brunette, 2009] Glenn Brunette and Rich Mogull (2009). Security Guidance for Critical Areas of Focus in Cloud Computing, Version 2.1 [Accessed 25 March 2010] [Mell, 2009] Peter Mell and Tim Grance (2009). The NIST Definition of Cloud Computing, Version 15. [Accessed 26 March 2010]

Marketing Strategies of UK Political Parties

Marketing Strategies of UK Political Parties In this paper we examine the use of political marketing in the United Kingdom and the United States of America. It focuses on the hypothetical theoretical aspects of marketing frameworks, which are identified and applying these frameworks to the marketing strategies of the political parties within the UK and the US. Additionally, we compare and contrast certain aspects of the marketing frameworks that have been identified with the parties, analysing whether the use of the frameworks are inherently present with regard to their electioneering and campaigning strategies. Political marketing has come to be an increasingly exciting and integrated phenomenon that the majority of significant public figures and political employees are vividly aware of. It holds the potential to transform politics as we know it, and exert a tremendous influence on the way everyones life is run, but we will only ever reach a greater understanding of the existing and potential consequences of political marketing if we acknowledge and accept the breadth and nature of the phenomenon. The reason why marketing can be attached to politics is that in essence they share some common tenets: the aim to understand how political organisations act in relation to their market and vice versa. Furthermore, marketing, being somewhat more prescriptive, provides tools and ideas about how organisations could behave in relation to their market in order to set aims and objectives, so that at the end they can achieve their goals. It can help an organisation understand the demands of its market. T he idea of a political system that meets peoples needs and demands links back to traditional politics: Jones and Moran (1994, 17) argue that British democracy means that the people can decide the government and exercise influence over the decisions governments take. Political marketing is simply a way of doing this in the 21st century with a critical, well informed and consumerist mass franchise. The evidence suggests that major British parties are not just applying the techniques of marketing, but its concepts. They appear to be determining their policies to match voters concerns (using findings from survey research and focus groups) rather than basing them on ideological considerations. Therefore, they are attempting to become what is known in business terms as ‘market oriented and designing their ‘product to suit consumer demands. This would imply a new role for political parties, one at odds with the traditional role assumed by the standard literature. It may also cause potential problems for political parties in the long-term, as well as having significant normative implications for politics as a whole. This paper therefore explores the full potential of political marketing on a theoretical level integrating management, marketing and political science literature to find out how British political parties and the US political parties have used marketing and become market-oriented. It will examine the extent to which the ‘New Labour Party in 1997 exhibited behaviour in line with this model and comparing this with the Conservatives in 1979. We would also consider its use in the US by the Republican and Democratic political party and how it has affected the political landscape. It will be seen how the Conservative party used marketing to inform policy design, a model which ‘New Labour followed but to a greater extent, using results from market intelligence to push for changes to the role of the memberships and further centralisation of power to ensure a clear organisational structure within the party. In more recent times, the endorsement of George W. Bush (jnr), by the Repub lican Party in the US and how the product, i.e. his behaviour over the election period leading up to his election win was galvanised through political marketing. It is hoped that this paper will highlight how the implications of political marketing are much wider than at first sort. Marketing is a form of management or method used primarily by business organisations. It has evolved to include the design and promotion of a product to ensure that the goals of the organisation, the prime one being to make profit in the case of a business, are met. It is not just about selling, or in this case campaigning. As Levitt (1960: 50) argues, that the difference between marketing and selling is more than dynamic. Selling focuses on the needs of the seller, marketing focuses on the need of the buyer. The current marketing philosophy focuses on how firms can satisfy customers wants, and adopt what is called a market-oriented approach as this is deemed the most effective way to meet the firms goals Drucker (1954:37). Cannon (1996:6) found that with business organisations the idea that firms exist, first and foremost, to satisfy customers needs has not been accommodated easily into the operations of many organisations. It is likely in this case, to be even more difficult with a political party, which is bound to consist of many ideas and attitudes to how the party as a whole should behave, not the least, different theories of the meaning of democracy and the role of the elites. Kotler and Andreasen (1987:505), suggest that everything about an organisation, which includes, its products, employees facilities, and actions, all communicate something to the general public. Not only the nature of the leader, but also the behaviour and rights of the partys members could be influential in attracting or repelling voters. As Shaw (1994:175) puts it, the British Labour party failed to win the 1992 general election because (amongst other factors), despite changes in policy, the then leader of the party, lacked the time and support to transform the party itself, a fatal weakness, since the character and behaviour of its activists at the time, its ethos, language and rituals, and most importantly, its close association with the trade unions, all alienated the electorate. A party with the wrong approach to gain the attention of the voting electorate is more likely to fail. As Scullion and Dermody (2004:361), argues that the campaigns employed by the political parties were being accused of failing to engage a disinterested young electorate. In their comparison of New Labour (UK) and New Democrats (US), Ingram and Lees-Marshment (2002:5), state that systemic differences between the countries, the UK and US, substantially condition the scope, focus, and application of political marketing and although American campaigns maybe the breeding ground for technological innovation and birth of political marketing, there is more potential for the use of political marketing in Britain, due to the more centralised nature of political parties and campaigns and to the component delivery of the marketing model. This article found that Labours approach was far broader in scope, influencing aspects of its policies, personnel, internal organisation, and leadership behaviour. One should also understand that the use of marketing as a tool for political gains is not a new thing. Eisenhowers use of direct male in the early 50s in the US, and in the UK, Margaret Thatchers use of the Saatchi and Saatchi advertising agency (Scammell, 1994:23). H owever, there has been an increasing use of marketing methods in political campaigns over the latter part of the twentieth century (Smith and Saunders (1990: 295), Wring (1997:1131). To date the dominant paradigm has been to adapt consumer goods marketing ideas and frameworks (Baines and Egan, 2001:1), especially the marketing mix concept (Niffenegger, 1989:45). Other frameworks might provide a more fruitful basis for analysis. The broadening theory of marketing was based upon the notion that marketing ideas and techniques could be utilised whenever value is exchanged between two parties, e.g. charities, churches, and political parties, (Kotler and Levy, 1969:10). It was argued later that differences of form and content (Lock and Harris, 1996: 21), and structure and process (Butler and Collins, 1999:55) existed, and that value exchange was not so straightforward. Baines, Harris, and Newman (1999:1) additionally state that this commercial and political difference, when suggesting tha t political campaigns usually operate with shorter, more intense promotional campaigns, in oligopolistic markets, with polarised levels of voter loyalty, and differing potential for the degree of marketing orientation in different countries. It can be argued here that structural changes in the political landscape had an impact on the perceived need for adoption of marketing techniques. Voters are perceived to be less involved and less loyal than in the past (Ware, 1995: 6). This may partly be due to voter apathy, which is a growing trend in most western democracies. There are a number of factors that are central to the need for marketing in campaigns. They are lack of actual or perceived product differentiation; increasing numbers and frequency of electoral contests and referendum held, or simply because voters have more compelling distractions stimulated by increased wealth and leisure time. To cast ones vote was and is seen as less of a duty than was largely the case in the past. This is why marketing has evolved to be used as a way of demand intervention. Marketing and political campaigning or vice-versa can be deemed as inseparable, because of its strategic importance to the outcome of any election. Such is the perceived value of marketing that no political party and few individual candidates would challenge the role marketing plays in the modern campaign and electoral process. With all this in mind, this paper moves on to explore the full potential of political marketing on a theoretical level identifying the literature that a political party might use marketing and become market-orientated. It will examine the extent to which the Labour party in 1997, exhibited behaviour in line with this model and comparing this with the Conservative party in 1979. Additionally, the Republican party of the US would also be mentioned and examined with regard to correlations or differences between the use of this model, in the UK and the US between the political parties. Therefore the remainder of this paper is set as follow: Chapter 3: Theoretical concepts of Political Marketing Chapter 4: Labour Party use of political marketing, 1997-2001 Chapter 5: Conservative Party use of political marketing, 1997-2001 Chapter 6: The use of political marketing in the US in comparison to the UK Chapter 7: Summary and Conclusion References and Bibliography. Political parties use political marketing to determine their policies, organisation, communication and, ultimately, potential delivery in government. Political parties were traditionally perceived as bastions of ideology, dogma, idealism and rhetoric. In the twenty-first century, however, most if not all-political parties in the UK of varying ideologies, histories, sizes and fortunes are aware of political marketing. The extent to which they choose to use it, the form they adopt, and their success at adopting a market orientation may vary, but all understand the pressure from the political market to satisfy the general populace. Depending on their nature, political parties can use marketing in various ways. Parties differ in their size and goals. Major parties are large, established organisations whose dominant goal is to win control of government, therefore to win a general (or devolved) election. The Conservative and Labour parties in the UK are major parties and so try to use political marketing to win an election. Their market consists of the electorate, in addition to anyone else who has influence on voters, although the parties do not need to win support from everyone to gain power. Their product includes all aspects of their behaviour. Although a major party generally asks political consumers to vote for it on the basis of what it promises to do in government, its policy promises or party manifesto which it lays out to the general electorate, voters also take into account other aspects of party behaviour such as leadership, party unity, organisation, and the behaviour of members, because these may aff ect the ability of the party to deliver on policy promises. The current marketing philosophy focuses on how firms satisfy customers, and adopt what is called a market-orientation as this is deemed as the most effective way to meet the firms goals (Drucker, 1954:37). It can be argued here that if a political party implements the marketing philosophy, it will seek to meet voters needs and wants, thus producing voter satisfaction, and in doing so gain electoral support to meet its own goals. Orientation is a concept that the major parties should adopt, which is based on an attitude towards how they behave in relation to the electorate. There are three main political marketing orientations (Lees-Marshment 2001:692). Market-oriented parties (MOPs) design their product, including policies, leadership and organisation, to suit what political consumers demand, in order to achieve their goal of winning a general election. This does not mean they simply follow what everyone wants to them to do, because this would be impossible anyway, because demands are complex and competing. Instead they need to go through a complex process of stages. This is shown in Box 3.1. Box 3.1 The Process for a Market-Oriented Party Stage 1: Market intelligence Party finds out what voters need and want by: †¢ Keeping an ear to the ground, talking to activists, meeting the public; †¢ Using quantitative research (electoral results, public opinion polls and privately commissioned studies) and qualitative research such as a focus group. Stage 2: Product design Party designs behaviour (including leadership, members, policies, staff, constitution and symbols) according to voters demands. Stage 3: Product adjustment Party designs product to suit the electorate at large and then needs to make sure it considers other factors: †¢ Achievability, determine whether the product design is achievable; †¢ Internal reaction analysis, to alter design to ensure it will obtain the support of enough MPs and members to ensure its implementation; †¢ Competition analysis, this is to promote opposition weaknesses and highlight own strengths; †¢ Support analysis, this is with the view of focusing on winning the support of voters, it does not have, but needs to win. Stage 4: Implementation   The findings from stages 1 – 3, must be implemented. The majority must accept the new behaviour broadly. This requires effective and considerate organisation and management. Stage5: Communication This includes the so-called near-term or long-term campaign, but also ongoing behaviour. The party ensures that communication helps it achieve electoral success; attempts to influence others in the communication process, such as journalist and opposition parties; and uses selling techniques such as direct mail and targeted communications Stage 6: Campaign This can be said to be the final chance for the political party to communicate with the voters. Stage 7: Election The party goes through the election. Stage 8: Delivery The party carries out promises made once in government. Box 3.2 The process for a Product-Oriented Party Stage 1: Product design The party designs its behaviour according to what it thinks best represents them. Stage 2: Communication This includes the so=called near-term or long-term campaign but also ongoing behaviour. Not just the leader, but all MPs and members, send a message to the electorate. The organisation is clear and effective; it is designed to advance arguments. Stage 3: Campaign The official election campaign period starts leading up to the election. 4: Election The general election takes place. Stage 5: Delivery on promises made during election as stated on the partys election manifesto The party will deliver its product in government. Box 3.3 The Process for Sales – Oriented Party Stage 1: Product design The party designs its behaviour according to what it thinks best. Stage 2: Market Intelligence The party aims to discover voters response to the product, especially voters who do not support the party but might, so that communications can be targeted on them. Informally, it keeps an ear to the ground, talks to party members, creates policy groups and meets with the public. Formally, it uses quantitative research (electoral results, public opinion polls and privately commissioned studies) and qualitative research such as a focus group. Stage 3: Communication This includes the so-called near-term or long-term campaign but also ongoing behaviour. Not just the leader, but all MPs and members send a message to the electorate. Attempts are made to ensure all communication helps achieve electoral success, and to influence others in the communication process. The organisation is clear and effective designed to advance arguments. It also makes use of selling techniques such as direct mail and targeted communications to persuade voters to agree with the party. Stage 4: Campaign   The official election campaign period kicks in up until election. The party continues to communicate effectively as in stage 3.   Stage 5: Election The general election. Stage 6: Delivery The party will deliver its promised product in government. Other parties with different goals may not choose to use political marketing in this way i.e. Box 3.1. However, if the dominant goal of a party is to advance a particular policy, rather than win an election, it maybe more product oriented. Product – Oriented parties (POPs) decide their behaviour or product themselves without much care for the opinions of political consumers, or rather, they assume that voters will realise that it is right and vote for it accordingly. Their process is quite simple: see Box 3.2. A product – oriented party refuses to change its ideas or product even if it fails to gain electoral or membership support. If a party is a small or minor party, with the main goal being not to win a general election but to put ideas on the agenda, this may be the most appropriate political marketing orientation. However, most partys overtime, grow to be concerned about their performance. They may then move to a sales orientation position, retaining the same product or behaviour, but using political marketing communication techniques, see Box 3.3. Market intelligence is used not to inform the product design, but to help the party persuade voters it is right and has sound electoral policies. Sales-oriented parties are often perceived as the more manipulative, because they use marketing to persuade or change public opinion. Current research indicates that the trend in the UK, at least amongst the major political parties, is towards the market-oriented approach (Lees-Marshment 2001). The trend is to evolve from product through to sales and then finally a market orientation, responding to the gradual rise of the political consumer. Major partys can however, win power using a market-orientation and then switch back to a sales or product once in power. Political parties often find it harder to rema in in touch with the public and responsive to the demands of political consumers once they are in government. Other small UK parties tend to adopt any one of the three orientations. Parties such as the Scottish National Party have moved through the classic product-sales-market –oriented cycle. The use of marketing by political parties is not as easy as the theory suggests. The latest research in political party marketing suggests that despite the desire of both the Conservative and Labour parties to adopt and maintain a market orientation, many obstacles get in the way. This will be fully explained in the following chapters. The Labour party has been one of political marketings success stories of the new century, at least on the surface. Using political marketing to become more in touch with the public, reduce any unwanted historical baggage, and even relabelled itself as ‘New Labour, it first became market oriented in order to win the previous election in 1997. It remains the fullest example of a market-oriented party, following the model to the greatest degree of any party ever seen. However, after obtaining the mandate of power from the UK electorate, the party met many obstacles to delivering on its 1997election promises. This is a major potential weakness: Labour support is very much based on promised outputs, so it needs to be seen to deliver. It is in the context that Labour attempted to maintain a market orientation and retain its electoral support during 1997 – 2001. Table 4.1 The Labour government and Delivery, February 2000 ‘There is a lot of talk at the moment about whether the present government is or is not ‘delivering. From what you know, do you think that it is or is not delivering on each of the following? Source: Gallup Political Index Delivery in government on the 1997 election promises Delivering the political product as stated previously is not an easy task. It is one of unanswered potential conundrums at the heart of political marketing (Laing and Lees-Marshment, 2002:19). The Labour party understood this. The party talked constantly about the need to deliver. It copied business and started to issue an annual report on its delivery of its promises (Labour Party 1999: 3-7, 2000). Labour undoubtly succeeded in some areas, such as constitutional reform, with the introduction of devolution in Scotland and Wales and the removal of hereditary peers from the House of Lords. However, Labour failed to convince many voters that it had made real improvement to standards in the public services, which is the core part of the 1997 product. Public resentment about Labours failures to deliver grew, Table 4.1, gives you the evidence. There was also dissatisfaction with the Labour party. A report from the Labour party itself based on its private polls leaked in the independent warning that the partys huge lead in the opinion polls masks the fact that people are turning against the Government because they believe it is failing to deliver its 1997 general election party manifesto. In July 2000 a MORI survey indicated that 57% of respondents did not think the leader of the Labour Party had kept the parties election promises. See the following table: Table 4.2 Perceived performance of the prime minister, July 2000 Since becoming prime minister in May 1997, do you think, Tony Blair has or has not delivered election promises made in the partys election manifesto? Source: MORI telephone survey 20-22, July 2000 Labour therefore still needed to utilise political marketing, but this time to maintain rather than win support. Stage 1: Market Intelligence The Labour party conducted substantial market intelligence. Philip Gould conducted focus group work for the party; Greg Crook ran a rolling programme of opinion polling (Cook, 2002:87); the partys advertising agency, TVWA London, also conducted research (Lawther, 2002:1). Labour also analysed results of elections to local authorities, the devolved institutions, the European parliament and parliamentary by-elections (Cook, 2002:88). It took account of negative criticism despite the overall positive polls and continued to monitor the performance of the opposition. During 1997 – 2001 Labour continually discussed voters needs. Stage 2: Product design The New Labour product offered to the electorate in 2001 was extremely similar to that offered in 1997, with greater determination to deliver in the second term. Policy: In terms of policy, the focus remained on raising standards in the public services, such as health and education. The party retained its commitment to low income tax and competent economic management. There were slight changes in terms of greater investment in public services in order to improve them, but such moves were made without a call o increase tax. Stephen Lawther, polling coordinator for the Scottish Labour Party, argued that Labour put forward a strong product: †¢ Minimum wage; †¢ 1 million new jobs; †¢ Lowest unemployment in 25 years; †¢ Lowest inflation in 30 years; †¢ Winter fuel allowance;   Ã¢â‚¬ ¢ Record investment in schools in hospitals; †¢ Small class sizes; †¢ A nursery place for every 4 year old; †¢ 10,000 more nurses in the NHS; †¢ Working families tax credit reduction; †¢ Scottish parliament (devolution), (Lawther, 2002). Leadership: As leader, the prime minister continued to exercise strong and determined control over his party and the senior leadership and cabinet in particular. The prime minister enjoyed extremely high popularity scores in public opinion polls until the end of the 1997-2002 periods, when he began to attract criticism for being smarmy, arrogant and out of touch with the national electorate. In June 2000, the prime minister was even slow-hand-clapped by the Womens Institute. Internal membership: Changes were made within the party with the aim of making members more involved (Seyd 1999:390-391). Members-only sessions were introduced at the annual party conference, to ensure members had a chance to air their views without damaging the party externally. Partnership in power, a series of proposals to change certain organisational structures within the party, devolved policy-making to the National Policy Forum to provide greater consultation with the membership. Nevertheless, party membership slumped from 420,000 after 1997 election to just 320,000 by mid-1999. Many of those who remained were de-energised (Seyd and Whiteley, 1999). This reflects the limited application of marketing to the membership, (Lees-Marshment, 2001a). The foundations of Labours support have been eroded, making it even more crucial that the party satisfy voters through delivery on public services. Party Unity: The leadership exerted significant control over the partys participation within the new devolved institutions in the selection of the leadership candidate for the Welsh assembly, which aroused significant discontent among Labour party activists. Another case was the election for the London mayor. After failing to be selected as the Labour candidate, an old left-winger, Ken Livingston, stood as an independent after calls from the public to do so, and won. This was an indication of the discontent at the grassroots of the Labour party: an issue that Labour continues to struggle with, due to its use of political marketing. Stage 3: Product Adjustment Achievability: Learning in government that delivering on the 1997 pledges, particularly those about the quality of public services, was extremely difficult, the party made promises for the next term of office in terms of inputs rather than outputs, such as ‘x number of nurses or police rather than reduce waiting list or lower levels of crime. Inputs are easier to deliver because they are easier to control (Lees-Marshment and Laing, 2002:20). The 2001 pledges were: †¢ Mortgages to be as low as possible, low inflation and sound public finances; †¢ 10,000 extra teachers and higher standards in secondary schools; †¢ 20,000 extra nurses and 10,000 extra doctors in a reformed NHS; †¢ 6,000 extra recruits to raise police numbers to their highest ever level; †¢ Pensioners winter fuel payment retained, minimum wage rising to  £4.20, and most recently to  £5.25 an hour. Internal reaction analysis: The decline in membership that Labour experienced after 1997 suggests failure of internal reaction analysis. The new system of policy-making was criticised for restricting the opportunity for debate at conference and ignoring the work of policy forums (Seyd, 2002:95). The selection processes used for the Scottish parliament, Welsh assembly and London mayor also indicated a lack of internal reaction analysis and generated further discontent. Competition analysis: Labour engaged in a significant competition analysis in terms of its planning for the campaign. It was keen that voters would see the election as a choice between the parties rather than a referendum on Labours mixed record of delivery (Gould, 2002:57, Lawther, 2002:1). Posters reassured voters about the party, saying, ‘Thanks for voting Labour, but also reminding them of potential problems the Conservatives might bring, with posters headed ‘Economic Disaster II). Support analysis: Labour analysed voters who were former Conservatives that had defected to the party in 1997, and found that this group would stay with the party. Attention then shifted to mobilising people to vote, as the party feared it could lose support due to a low turnout. Labour played on the emotion of fear at a prospective Tory victory, commissioning the famous ‘wiggy poster of the then leader of the Conservative party, warning ‘Get out and vote or they get in. It tried to put forward the vision that the work goes on and voters needed to give the party more time. Stage 4: Implementation The leader of the Labour party insisted on strict party unity: i.e. all ministers had to agree any interaction with the media and the press office of the Labour party, to ensure unified communication from government. The partys leader had a few difficulties passing legislation. And ambitious MPs knew they had to keep in line with the leadership if they wished to advance their careers. Blair (the leader of the Labour Party) followed the market-oriented party model to fine detail, promoting those who followed the product design and sidelining those who voiced dissent. Nevertheless Labour was criticised for being too ‘Control Conscious. Stage 5: Communication Labour continued to control communication from the party and also central government. The Government Information Service was used to communicate the governments message and delivery (Scammell, 2001). Government spending on advertising increased massively in the four years between 1997 and 2001 (Grice, 2001). Party communication was also focused on delivery: party political broad casts during the elections to the European parliament, for example, focused on the governments achievements, rather than European issues. Communication did not succeed in convincing voters that the government had delivered as initially thought. Stage 6: Campaign The character of the partys product and its delivery performance in office determined Labours campaign. It focused on the need to deliver, asking for more time to do its job. Labour used target marketing and campaigned most heavily in marginal seats where it was assumed that its efforts would have the greatest effect (Cook, 2002:87). In Scotland Labour sent out targeted direct mail in the form of a letter from both the leader of the party and the deputy leader to segments of the market such as Scottish National Party (SNP) floaters, and Labour also ran health rallies and a pledge day to reinforce key themes. The campaign was closely co-ordinated from the partys Millbank headquarters, with an integrated marketing communications structure. Responding to market intelligence, significant effort went into getting the vote out, through ‘Operation Turnout. This assessed the party identification and voting history of electors in target seats and sent a direct marketing message to them to get them to vote (Lawther, 2002). Nevertheless, the underlying public dissatisfaction with public services was brought to the fore when Blair was accosted by the partner of a patient complaining about the poor standards of care in the NHS in a di Marketing Strategies of UK Political Parties Marketing Strategies of UK Political Parties In this paper we examine the use of political marketing in the United Kingdom and the United States of America. It focuses on the hypothetical theoretical aspects of marketing frameworks, which are identified and applying these frameworks to the marketing strategies of the political parties within the UK and the US. Additionally, we compare and contrast certain aspects of the marketing frameworks that have been identified with the parties, analysing whether the use of the frameworks are inherently present with regard to their electioneering and campaigning strategies. Political marketing has come to be an increasingly exciting and integrated phenomenon that the majority of significant public figures and political employees are vividly aware of. It holds the potential to transform politics as we know it, and exert a tremendous influence on the way everyones life is run, but we will only ever reach a greater understanding of the existing and potential consequences of political marketing if we acknowledge and accept the breadth and nature of the phenomenon. The reason why marketing can be attached to politics is that in essence they share some common tenets: the aim to understand how political organisations act in relation to their market and vice versa. Furthermore, marketing, being somewhat more prescriptive, provides tools and ideas about how organisations could behave in relation to their market in order to set aims and objectives, so that at the end they can achieve their goals. It can help an organisation understand the demands of its market. T he idea of a political system that meets peoples needs and demands links back to traditional politics: Jones and Moran (1994, 17) argue that British democracy means that the people can decide the government and exercise influence over the decisions governments take. Political marketing is simply a way of doing this in the 21st century with a critical, well informed and consumerist mass franchise. The evidence suggests that major British parties are not just applying the techniques of marketing, but its concepts. They appear to be determining their policies to match voters concerns (using findings from survey research and focus groups) rather than basing them on ideological considerations. Therefore, they are attempting to become what is known in business terms as ‘market oriented and designing their ‘product to suit consumer demands. This would imply a new role for political parties, one at odds with the traditional role assumed by the standard literature. It may also cause potential problems for political parties in the long-term, as well as having significant normative implications for politics as a whole. This paper therefore explores the full potential of political marketing on a theoretical level integrating management, marketing and political science literature to find out how British political parties and the US political parties have used marketing and become market-oriented. It will examine the extent to which the ‘New Labour Party in 1997 exhibited behaviour in line with this model and comparing this with the Conservatives in 1979. We would also consider its use in the US by the Republican and Democratic political party and how it has affected the political landscape. It will be seen how the Conservative party used marketing to inform policy design, a model which ‘New Labour followed but to a greater extent, using results from market intelligence to push for changes to the role of the memberships and further centralisation of power to ensure a clear organisational structure within the party. In more recent times, the endorsement of George W. Bush (jnr), by the Repub lican Party in the US and how the product, i.e. his behaviour over the election period leading up to his election win was galvanised through political marketing. It is hoped that this paper will highlight how the implications of political marketing are much wider than at first sort. Marketing is a form of management or method used primarily by business organisations. It has evolved to include the design and promotion of a product to ensure that the goals of the organisation, the prime one being to make profit in the case of a business, are met. It is not just about selling, or in this case campaigning. As Levitt (1960: 50) argues, that the difference between marketing and selling is more than dynamic. Selling focuses on the needs of the seller, marketing focuses on the need of the buyer. The current marketing philosophy focuses on how firms can satisfy customers wants, and adopt what is called a market-oriented approach as this is deemed the most effective way to meet the firms goals Drucker (1954:37). Cannon (1996:6) found that with business organisations the idea that firms exist, first and foremost, to satisfy customers needs has not been accommodated easily into the operations of many organisations. It is likely in this case, to be even more difficult with a political party, which is bound to consist of many ideas and attitudes to how the party as a whole should behave, not the least, different theories of the meaning of democracy and the role of the elites. Kotler and Andreasen (1987:505), suggest that everything about an organisation, which includes, its products, employees facilities, and actions, all communicate something to the general public. Not only the nature of the leader, but also the behaviour and rights of the partys members could be influential in attracting or repelling voters. As Shaw (1994:175) puts it, the British Labour party failed to win the 1992 general election because (amongst other factors), despite changes in policy, the then leader of the party, lacked the time and support to transform the party itself, a fatal weakness, since the character and behaviour of its activists at the time, its ethos, language and rituals, and most importantly, its close association with the trade unions, all alienated the electorate. A party with the wrong approach to gain the attention of the voting electorate is more likely to fail. As Scullion and Dermody (2004:361), argues that the campaigns employed by the political parties were being accused of failing to engage a disinterested young electorate. In their comparison of New Labour (UK) and New Democrats (US), Ingram and Lees-Marshment (2002:5), state that systemic differences between the countries, the UK and US, substantially condition the scope, focus, and application of political marketing and although American campaigns maybe the breeding ground for technological innovation and birth of political marketing, there is more potential for the use of political marketing in Britain, due to the more centralised nature of political parties and campaigns and to the component delivery of the marketing model. This article found that Labours approach was far broader in scope, influencing aspects of its policies, personnel, internal organisation, and leadership behaviour. One should also understand that the use of marketing as a tool for political gains is not a new thing. Eisenhowers use of direct male in the early 50s in the US, and in the UK, Margaret Thatchers use of the Saatchi and Saatchi advertising agency (Scammell, 1994:23). H owever, there has been an increasing use of marketing methods in political campaigns over the latter part of the twentieth century (Smith and Saunders (1990: 295), Wring (1997:1131). To date the dominant paradigm has been to adapt consumer goods marketing ideas and frameworks (Baines and Egan, 2001:1), especially the marketing mix concept (Niffenegger, 1989:45). Other frameworks might provide a more fruitful basis for analysis. The broadening theory of marketing was based upon the notion that marketing ideas and techniques could be utilised whenever value is exchanged between two parties, e.g. charities, churches, and political parties, (Kotler and Levy, 1969:10). It was argued later that differences of form and content (Lock and Harris, 1996: 21), and structure and process (Butler and Collins, 1999:55) existed, and that value exchange was not so straightforward. Baines, Harris, and Newman (1999:1) additionally state that this commercial and political difference, when suggesting tha t political campaigns usually operate with shorter, more intense promotional campaigns, in oligopolistic markets, with polarised levels of voter loyalty, and differing potential for the degree of marketing orientation in different countries. It can be argued here that structural changes in the political landscape had an impact on the perceived need for adoption of marketing techniques. Voters are perceived to be less involved and less loyal than in the past (Ware, 1995: 6). This may partly be due to voter apathy, which is a growing trend in most western democracies. There are a number of factors that are central to the need for marketing in campaigns. They are lack of actual or perceived product differentiation; increasing numbers and frequency of electoral contests and referendum held, or simply because voters have more compelling distractions stimulated by increased wealth and leisure time. To cast ones vote was and is seen as less of a duty than was largely the case in the past. This is why marketing has evolved to be used as a way of demand intervention. Marketing and political campaigning or vice-versa can be deemed as inseparable, because of its strategic importance to the outcome of any election. Such is the perceived value of marketing that no political party and few individual candidates would challenge the role marketing plays in the modern campaign and electoral process. With all this in mind, this paper moves on to explore the full potential of political marketing on a theoretical level identifying the literature that a political party might use marketing and become market-orientated. It will examine the extent to which the Labour party in 1997, exhibited behaviour in line with this model and comparing this with the Conservative party in 1979. Additionally, the Republican party of the US would also be mentioned and examined with regard to correlations or differences between the use of this model, in the UK and the US between the political parties. Therefore the remainder of this paper is set as follow: Chapter 3: Theoretical concepts of Political Marketing Chapter 4: Labour Party use of political marketing, 1997-2001 Chapter 5: Conservative Party use of political marketing, 1997-2001 Chapter 6: The use of political marketing in the US in comparison to the UK Chapter 7: Summary and Conclusion References and Bibliography. Political parties use political marketing to determine their policies, organisation, communication and, ultimately, potential delivery in government. Political parties were traditionally perceived as bastions of ideology, dogma, idealism and rhetoric. In the twenty-first century, however, most if not all-political parties in the UK of varying ideologies, histories, sizes and fortunes are aware of political marketing. The extent to which they choose to use it, the form they adopt, and their success at adopting a market orientation may vary, but all understand the pressure from the political market to satisfy the general populace. Depending on their nature, political parties can use marketing in various ways. Parties differ in their size and goals. Major parties are large, established organisations whose dominant goal is to win control of government, therefore to win a general (or devolved) election. The Conservative and Labour parties in the UK are major parties and so try to use political marketing to win an election. Their market consists of the electorate, in addition to anyone else who has influence on voters, although the parties do not need to win support from everyone to gain power. Their product includes all aspects of their behaviour. Although a major party generally asks political consumers to vote for it on the basis of what it promises to do in government, its policy promises or party manifesto which it lays out to the general electorate, voters also take into account other aspects of party behaviour such as leadership, party unity, organisation, and the behaviour of members, because these may aff ect the ability of the party to deliver on policy promises. The current marketing philosophy focuses on how firms satisfy customers, and adopt what is called a market-orientation as this is deemed as the most effective way to meet the firms goals (Drucker, 1954:37). It can be argued here that if a political party implements the marketing philosophy, it will seek to meet voters needs and wants, thus producing voter satisfaction, and in doing so gain electoral support to meet its own goals. Orientation is a concept that the major parties should adopt, which is based on an attitude towards how they behave in relation to the electorate. There are three main political marketing orientations (Lees-Marshment 2001:692). Market-oriented parties (MOPs) design their product, including policies, leadership and organisation, to suit what political consumers demand, in order to achieve their goal of winning a general election. This does not mean they simply follow what everyone wants to them to do, because this would be impossible anyway, because demands are complex and competing. Instead they need to go through a complex process of stages. This is shown in Box 3.1. Box 3.1 The Process for a Market-Oriented Party Stage 1: Market intelligence Party finds out what voters need and want by: †¢ Keeping an ear to the ground, talking to activists, meeting the public; †¢ Using quantitative research (electoral results, public opinion polls and privately commissioned studies) and qualitative research such as a focus group. Stage 2: Product design Party designs behaviour (including leadership, members, policies, staff, constitution and symbols) according to voters demands. Stage 3: Product adjustment Party designs product to suit the electorate at large and then needs to make sure it considers other factors: †¢ Achievability, determine whether the product design is achievable; †¢ Internal reaction analysis, to alter design to ensure it will obtain the support of enough MPs and members to ensure its implementation; †¢ Competition analysis, this is to promote opposition weaknesses and highlight own strengths; †¢ Support analysis, this is with the view of focusing on winning the support of voters, it does not have, but needs to win. Stage 4: Implementation   The findings from stages 1 – 3, must be implemented. The majority must accept the new behaviour broadly. This requires effective and considerate organisation and management. Stage5: Communication This includes the so-called near-term or long-term campaign, but also ongoing behaviour. The party ensures that communication helps it achieve electoral success; attempts to influence others in the communication process, such as journalist and opposition parties; and uses selling techniques such as direct mail and targeted communications Stage 6: Campaign This can be said to be the final chance for the political party to communicate with the voters. Stage 7: Election The party goes through the election. Stage 8: Delivery The party carries out promises made once in government. Box 3.2 The process for a Product-Oriented Party Stage 1: Product design The party designs its behaviour according to what it thinks best represents them. Stage 2: Communication This includes the so=called near-term or long-term campaign but also ongoing behaviour. Not just the leader, but all MPs and members, send a message to the electorate. The organisation is clear and effective; it is designed to advance arguments. Stage 3: Campaign The official election campaign period starts leading up to the election. 4: Election The general election takes place. Stage 5: Delivery on promises made during election as stated on the partys election manifesto The party will deliver its product in government. Box 3.3 The Process for Sales – Oriented Party Stage 1: Product design The party designs its behaviour according to what it thinks best. Stage 2: Market Intelligence The party aims to discover voters response to the product, especially voters who do not support the party but might, so that communications can be targeted on them. Informally, it keeps an ear to the ground, talks to party members, creates policy groups and meets with the public. Formally, it uses quantitative research (electoral results, public opinion polls and privately commissioned studies) and qualitative research such as a focus group. Stage 3: Communication This includes the so-called near-term or long-term campaign but also ongoing behaviour. Not just the leader, but all MPs and members send a message to the electorate. Attempts are made to ensure all communication helps achieve electoral success, and to influence others in the communication process. The organisation is clear and effective designed to advance arguments. It also makes use of selling techniques such as direct mail and targeted communications to persuade voters to agree with the party. Stage 4: Campaign   The official election campaign period kicks in up until election. The party continues to communicate effectively as in stage 3.   Stage 5: Election The general election. Stage 6: Delivery The party will deliver its promised product in government. Other parties with different goals may not choose to use political marketing in this way i.e. Box 3.1. However, if the dominant goal of a party is to advance a particular policy, rather than win an election, it maybe more product oriented. Product – Oriented parties (POPs) decide their behaviour or product themselves without much care for the opinions of political consumers, or rather, they assume that voters will realise that it is right and vote for it accordingly. Their process is quite simple: see Box 3.2. A product – oriented party refuses to change its ideas or product even if it fails to gain electoral or membership support. If a party is a small or minor party, with the main goal being not to win a general election but to put ideas on the agenda, this may be the most appropriate political marketing orientation. However, most partys overtime, grow to be concerned about their performance. They may then move to a sales orientation position, retaining the same product or behaviour, but using political marketing communication techniques, see Box 3.3. Market intelligence is used not to inform the product design, but to help the party persuade voters it is right and has sound electoral policies. Sales-oriented parties are often perceived as the more manipulative, because they use marketing to persuade or change public opinion. Current research indicates that the trend in the UK, at least amongst the major political parties, is towards the market-oriented approach (Lees-Marshment 2001). The trend is to evolve from product through to sales and then finally a market orientation, responding to the gradual rise of the political consumer. Major partys can however, win power using a market-orientation and then switch back to a sales or product once in power. Political parties often find it harder to rema in in touch with the public and responsive to the demands of political consumers once they are in government. Other small UK parties tend to adopt any one of the three orientations. Parties such as the Scottish National Party have moved through the classic product-sales-market –oriented cycle. The use of marketing by political parties is not as easy as the theory suggests. The latest research in political party marketing suggests that despite the desire of both the Conservative and Labour parties to adopt and maintain a market orientation, many obstacles get in the way. This will be fully explained in the following chapters. The Labour party has been one of political marketings success stories of the new century, at least on the surface. Using political marketing to become more in touch with the public, reduce any unwanted historical baggage, and even relabelled itself as ‘New Labour, it first became market oriented in order to win the previous election in 1997. It remains the fullest example of a market-oriented party, following the model to the greatest degree of any party ever seen. However, after obtaining the mandate of power from the UK electorate, the party met many obstacles to delivering on its 1997election promises. This is a major potential weakness: Labour support is very much based on promised outputs, so it needs to be seen to deliver. It is in the context that Labour attempted to maintain a market orientation and retain its electoral support during 1997 – 2001. Table 4.1 The Labour government and Delivery, February 2000 ‘There is a lot of talk at the moment about whether the present government is or is not ‘delivering. From what you know, do you think that it is or is not delivering on each of the following? Source: Gallup Political Index Delivery in government on the 1997 election promises Delivering the political product as stated previously is not an easy task. It is one of unanswered potential conundrums at the heart of political marketing (Laing and Lees-Marshment, 2002:19). The Labour party understood this. The party talked constantly about the need to deliver. It copied business and started to issue an annual report on its delivery of its promises (Labour Party 1999: 3-7, 2000). Labour undoubtly succeeded in some areas, such as constitutional reform, with the introduction of devolution in Scotland and Wales and the removal of hereditary peers from the House of Lords. However, Labour failed to convince many voters that it had made real improvement to standards in the public services, which is the core part of the 1997 product. Public resentment about Labours failures to deliver grew, Table 4.1, gives you the evidence. There was also dissatisfaction with the Labour party. A report from the Labour party itself based on its private polls leaked in the independent warning that the partys huge lead in the opinion polls masks the fact that people are turning against the Government because they believe it is failing to deliver its 1997 general election party manifesto. In July 2000 a MORI survey indicated that 57% of respondents did not think the leader of the Labour Party had kept the parties election promises. See the following table: Table 4.2 Perceived performance of the prime minister, July 2000 Since becoming prime minister in May 1997, do you think, Tony Blair has or has not delivered election promises made in the partys election manifesto? Source: MORI telephone survey 20-22, July 2000 Labour therefore still needed to utilise political marketing, but this time to maintain rather than win support. Stage 1: Market Intelligence The Labour party conducted substantial market intelligence. Philip Gould conducted focus group work for the party; Greg Crook ran a rolling programme of opinion polling (Cook, 2002:87); the partys advertising agency, TVWA London, also conducted research (Lawther, 2002:1). Labour also analysed results of elections to local authorities, the devolved institutions, the European parliament and parliamentary by-elections (Cook, 2002:88). It took account of negative criticism despite the overall positive polls and continued to monitor the performance of the opposition. During 1997 – 2001 Labour continually discussed voters needs. Stage 2: Product design The New Labour product offered to the electorate in 2001 was extremely similar to that offered in 1997, with greater determination to deliver in the second term. Policy: In terms of policy, the focus remained on raising standards in the public services, such as health and education. The party retained its commitment to low income tax and competent economic management. There were slight changes in terms of greater investment in public services in order to improve them, but such moves were made without a call o increase tax. Stephen Lawther, polling coordinator for the Scottish Labour Party, argued that Labour put forward a strong product: †¢ Minimum wage; †¢ 1 million new jobs; †¢ Lowest unemployment in 25 years; †¢ Lowest inflation in 30 years; †¢ Winter fuel allowance;   Ã¢â‚¬ ¢ Record investment in schools in hospitals; †¢ Small class sizes; †¢ A nursery place for every 4 year old; †¢ 10,000 more nurses in the NHS; †¢ Working families tax credit reduction; †¢ Scottish parliament (devolution), (Lawther, 2002). Leadership: As leader, the prime minister continued to exercise strong and determined control over his party and the senior leadership and cabinet in particular. The prime minister enjoyed extremely high popularity scores in public opinion polls until the end of the 1997-2002 periods, when he began to attract criticism for being smarmy, arrogant and out of touch with the national electorate. In June 2000, the prime minister was even slow-hand-clapped by the Womens Institute. Internal membership: Changes were made within the party with the aim of making members more involved (Seyd 1999:390-391). Members-only sessions were introduced at the annual party conference, to ensure members had a chance to air their views without damaging the party externally. Partnership in power, a series of proposals to change certain organisational structures within the party, devolved policy-making to the National Policy Forum to provide greater consultation with the membership. Nevertheless, party membership slumped from 420,000 after 1997 election to just 320,000 by mid-1999. Many of those who remained were de-energised (Seyd and Whiteley, 1999). This reflects the limited application of marketing to the membership, (Lees-Marshment, 2001a). The foundations of Labours support have been eroded, making it even more crucial that the party satisfy voters through delivery on public services. Party Unity: The leadership exerted significant control over the partys participation within the new devolved institutions in the selection of the leadership candidate for the Welsh assembly, which aroused significant discontent among Labour party activists. Another case was the election for the London mayor. After failing to be selected as the Labour candidate, an old left-winger, Ken Livingston, stood as an independent after calls from the public to do so, and won. This was an indication of the discontent at the grassroots of the Labour party: an issue that Labour continues to struggle with, due to its use of political marketing. Stage 3: Product Adjustment Achievability: Learning in government that delivering on the 1997 pledges, particularly those about the quality of public services, was extremely difficult, the party made promises for the next term of office in terms of inputs rather than outputs, such as ‘x number of nurses or police rather than reduce waiting list or lower levels of crime. Inputs are easier to deliver because they are easier to control (Lees-Marshment and Laing, 2002:20). The 2001 pledges were: †¢ Mortgages to be as low as possible, low inflation and sound public finances; †¢ 10,000 extra teachers and higher standards in secondary schools; †¢ 20,000 extra nurses and 10,000 extra doctors in a reformed NHS; †¢ 6,000 extra recruits to raise police numbers to their highest ever level; †¢ Pensioners winter fuel payment retained, minimum wage rising to  £4.20, and most recently to  £5.25 an hour. Internal reaction analysis: The decline in membership that Labour experienced after 1997 suggests failure of internal reaction analysis. The new system of policy-making was criticised for restricting the opportunity for debate at conference and ignoring the work of policy forums (Seyd, 2002:95). The selection processes used for the Scottish parliament, Welsh assembly and London mayor also indicated a lack of internal reaction analysis and generated further discontent. Competition analysis: Labour engaged in a significant competition analysis in terms of its planning for the campaign. It was keen that voters would see the election as a choice between the parties rather than a referendum on Labours mixed record of delivery (Gould, 2002:57, Lawther, 2002:1). Posters reassured voters about the party, saying, ‘Thanks for voting Labour, but also reminding them of potential problems the Conservatives might bring, with posters headed ‘Economic Disaster II). Support analysis: Labour analysed voters who were former Conservatives that had defected to the party in 1997, and found that this group would stay with the party. Attention then shifted to mobilising people to vote, as the party feared it could lose support due to a low turnout. Labour played on the emotion of fear at a prospective Tory victory, commissioning the famous ‘wiggy poster of the then leader of the Conservative party, warning ‘Get out and vote or they get in. It tried to put forward the vision that the work goes on and voters needed to give the party more time. Stage 4: Implementation The leader of the Labour party insisted on strict party unity: i.e. all ministers had to agree any interaction with the media and the press office of the Labour party, to ensure unified communication from government. The partys leader had a few difficulties passing legislation. And ambitious MPs knew they had to keep in line with the leadership if they wished to advance their careers. Blair (the leader of the Labour Party) followed the market-oriented party model to fine detail, promoting those who followed the product design and sidelining those who voiced dissent. Nevertheless Labour was criticised for being too ‘Control Conscious. Stage 5: Communication Labour continued to control communication from the party and also central government. The Government Information Service was used to communicate the governments message and delivery (Scammell, 2001). Government spending on advertising increased massively in the four years between 1997 and 2001 (Grice, 2001). Party communication was also focused on delivery: party political broad casts during the elections to the European parliament, for example, focused on the governments achievements, rather than European issues. Communication did not succeed in convincing voters that the government had delivered as initially thought. Stage 6: Campaign The character of the partys product and its delivery performance in office determined Labours campaign. It focused on the need to deliver, asking for more time to do its job. Labour used target marketing and campaigned most heavily in marginal seats where it was assumed that its efforts would have the greatest effect (Cook, 2002:87). In Scotland Labour sent out targeted direct mail in the form of a letter from both the leader of the party and the deputy leader to segments of the market such as Scottish National Party (SNP) floaters, and Labour also ran health rallies and a pledge day to reinforce key themes. The campaign was closely co-ordinated from the partys Millbank headquarters, with an integrated marketing communications structure. Responding to market intelligence, significant effort went into getting the vote out, through ‘Operation Turnout. This assessed the party identification and voting history of electors in target seats and sent a direct marketing message to them to get them to vote (Lawther, 2002). Nevertheless, the underlying public dissatisfaction with public services was brought to the fore when Blair was accosted by the partner of a patient complaining about the poor standards of care in the NHS in a di